The story of the global revolution described in Bible prophecies as "a great earthquake

The story of the global revolution described in Bible prophecies as "a great earthquake

The story of the global revolution described in Bible prophecies as "the great earthquake." Rev. 16:(16) And they gathered them to a place called Har–Magedon in Hebrew. (17) "And the seventh poured out his bowl on. Then from the sanctuary came a loud voice from the throne, saying: It has happened! (18) And there were lightning and voices and thunder, and there was a great earthquake, which has not been, since there are people on earth, such a vast earthquake, so great. (19) And the great city was divided into three parts, and the cities of the nations fell; and the metropolis of Babylon the Great was reminded before God to give her the cup of wine of the wrath of his severe anger. (20) In addition, each island escaped and the mountains were not found. (21) And a great hail, each lump of which weighed about talent, fell from heaven on people, and people blasphemed God because of the plague of hail, because it was an extraordinarily great plague. NW

Admission.

Pastor Johnson described a situation in 1949 that marked the beginning of the revolution. The pastor described these events as the beginning of plans for the outbreak of Armageddon. However, after more than seventy years, we can say with certainty that these events were the beginning of a global revolution that passed through certain stages until the 70s, when the hour of the alliance of the Papacy with the Catholic governments of Europe ended. Since then, the dominant system of government in Europe has been the rule of social democracy, which is shown in the four kings of the Jehu dynasty. Pastor Johnson expected the time of trouble to end around 1954, but today we know that more than seventy years after the pastor's death, we are still living in a time of trouble, although now we can conclude from history that we are entering the last stage of oppression shown by fire, that is, the third stage of oppression that we call anarchy. The historical outline of the post-war global revolution is based on various materials: books, films, articles that are generally available in the news media. The historical description of the global revolution is not complete, I have selected the most interesting and, in my opinion, the most important events of this revolution. Bible prophecy concerns Europe as the Roman Empire, the U.S. as a country that was prepared to begin the harvest work of the gospel age, and the State of Israel as God's chosen people in which the kingdom of God will begin. The materials on the revolution therefore concern mainly Europe and the USA, especially Italy, Germany and France, because these three nations formed and developed the Roman Empire.

P1.str313. Many of the old Testament prophecies, which speak extensively of Egypt, Babylon, and Israel, were to be fulfilled not only literally, but also in the second sense, on a larger scale. The events described in the Bible concerning Babylon, Egypt, Israel, Judah, Jerusalem were to be fulfilled at the end of Satan's empire, they prophetically describe the fall of the Roman Empire, the last form of the evil empire.

The beginning of the revolution shown in the departments of the Israeli king Jehu = the beginning of Armageddon.

Rev. 16:16-21 identifies Armageddon with the great earthquake, and with the beginning of the global revolution we can say with certainty that Armageddon also began. The verses of revelation also make us realize that the greatness of this revolution does not lie in its violence or degree of cruelty, but that revelation speaks of the greatness of this revolution in the sense of vastness, more clearly speaking of a global revolution, never before has mankind experienced a revolution throughout the globe.

Pastor Johnson on Armageddon.

E3.387.Jehu's killing of Jehoram represents the destruction in Armageddon of allied (Christian) Europe by the conservative world of labor. Stretched during Ahasias' escape (about 56 km in total), hiding in Samaria, capture, escape, wounding, and death (vv. 27:28; 2 Chron. 22:9) represent the same result for autocratic America. The only difference is that resisting Armageddon in America will take much longer, which will be the result of the more patriotic support that Americans will give to their government than the support that Europeans will give to their governments. Armageddon in the synopsis is shown in type in attacks on both kings and in their deaths. Many of its details

is depicted in type 2 King. 9:30- 10:28. We hope to present them to the Church in due course.

The revolution, according to prophecies, was to proceed gradually from "nation to nation."

Jeremiah 25: (32) Thus saith the Lord of hosts: Behold, misfortune goes from nation to nation, and a dangerous storm breaks from the ends of the earth.

Psalm 97:5. "Mountains as wax (not as ice) dissolve before the face of the Lord, before the face of the Lord of all the earth"

This great revolution was to be preceded by the wind (global war), moreover, this wind was to cause such conditions in the world as to cause the outbreak of the revolution.

(Hosea 8:7). "the wind (war) sowed, the wind (revolution) will also reap"

The beginning of the revolution on February 11, 1949.

The revolution began on February 11, 1949, exactly 20 years after the signing of the "Lateran Treaties", which was the beginning of the alliance of the ten horns with the beast. After twenty years of Catholic power in Europe, the beginning of the destruction of this power by social revolts began. When the public realized that the alliance of the papacy with the fascists had caused so much oppression in the world, the public wanted to remove this system of power as soon as possible. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nlo14ziE5y0&ab_channel=DDKKINODOKUMENTALNEPL

Pastor Johnson justified 1949 as the beginning of the revolution for several reasons:

1.Actions of revolutionaries, social revolt against the rule of the Christian Democrats and the papacy.

"On February 11, 1949, Mr. de Gasperi, Prime Minister of Italy, was summoned by the Pope, who demanded that he stand up for the papacy against the revolution that the Communists threatened to provoke in Italy. This event, we believe, was the fulfillment of the end of the "double-doubles" and the beginning of the plans made for the outbreak of Armageddon, which happened twenty years to the day after the beginning of the first part of the double in February 1929. In February 1949, the papal cardinal was sentenced by the Hungarian communists and immediately the Protestant clergy (the image of the beast) began to be sentenced to prison. In addition, in February and March, communist leaders in many European countries and the United States announced that in the event of war with Russia, they would support the Soviets. Thus, the plans for Armageddon were undoubtedly made. — P 1949, 80."

2. Chronology of types and antitypes.

The story of the Second Book of Kings in the antitype shows the political, social and religious signs of the times during the Great Tribulation and Armageddon. The stories described there in the antitype intertwine events in the secular and religious spheres, this helps to better understand the chronology of these events in the anti type.

"In the end, however, in the days of the last kings of Judah, God prophesied through the prophets, and especially through Jeremiah, Azekiel, Abacus, and Sophoniah, that because of the great sins of the people against the covenant, he would permit the destruction of Jerusalem and the desolation of the land. This was realized by the Chaldeans during the reign of Nebuchadnezzar in the days of Zedekiah (Ezek. 21:25-27). The experiences of natural Israel have their counterpart in the experiences of spiritual Israel (see, for example, Z 2401, col. 2; 3623, col. 1 at the bottom; 5509, 5510). Hence the destruction of Jerusalem in the days of Zedekiah has its parallelism in the destruction of Christianity at the close of the Gospel Age. (T.P.'24, 83-85)."

E3str.8. "The Elijah type also provides us with some chronological data to locate various antitype events. This chronological data, along with this key, is the most important elements enabling us to understand this type." In the type, activities and relations of WK and MG towards the world of politics and vice versa, are shown in the relations of the prophet Elisha with the kings of Judah and Israel.

E3.p.115,116. This fact shows that further historical events since 1917 regarding world events are shown in Elisha's relationship to the Kings of Israel and Judah as the chief prophet. In 2 Kings 2 chap. 2 is described a significant religious sign of the times, the separation of Elijah from Elisha, that is, the separation of the members of the Church from the members of the WK class, especially in their chieftains, which took place from June to October 1917. Brother Russell confirmed that such a division is to take place in the near future, repeatedly describing it in (R5771,5823,5824,5845,5950). The next event, as the sixth action, was the second strike of the Jordan by Elisha, that is, the criticism of the nations organized in four respects by Satan, and the judgment of these nations, which Elisha-WK was to do. Described E3str.70

E3str.76,117. "As a result of this attack in Christianity, there was a growing separation of conservatives (rulers, clergy, aristocrats and their supporters) from radicals (trade unionists, socialists, anarchists) the left.

Then J. on page 127 writes, "We are now living in the time of which Br. Russell spoke in R5950, col.1,ak.4:,Then (after separation, and before the whirlwind) the elijah class, the class of the little flock, will be clearly revealed, separate and distinct from WK."

E3str. 128 "Historical facts prove that between the separation of the anti-typical Elijah and Elisha and the departure of Elijah (whirlwind) there is a time interval in which events that are the antitype of Elisha's ministry take place."

J. gives the idea that MS will remain on earth throughout the revolution, this view has not been fulfilled, as shown by historical facts. The view was based on Psalm 46. However, we can conclude that at least the last member of the church lived to see the beginning of Amagedon, which began in 1949. Many members of the WK lived to see the revolution, not only in the planning stage, but also in its struggle, which I will try to prove below. However, this picture gives evidence that the revolution during Armageddon (tornado) must have begun after the division of God's people, could not have begun earlier than Elisha struck the Jordan, these events took place after 1918. Armageddon had to begin no later than October 1950 because the church was taken away by a tornado. Armageddon must have begun between 1918 and 1950.

Conclusion: If we understand that the revolution did not begin in 1949, then we must reject the truth of the epiphany about the worship of the last member of the church in 1950.

3. The Proof at Matthew 28:2 – "The Image of the Eight Great Miraculous Days"

Checkmate. 28:2: And behold, a great earthquake occurred; for Jehovah's angel came down from heaven and, coming up, rolled away a stone and sat on it. In the image of the Eight Great Miraculous Days, the 6th hour in the morning (the eighth day, that is, the day of the resurrection of Jesus in the image, lasting in the antitype from October 1944 to October 1954) corresponded to October 1949. So the revolution (the great earthquake) began in 1949. (PT '43, 111; PTQB 334 - unfortunately not in Polish) -Martin Reuter

Important historical events of 1949.

July 13 – Pope Pius XII issues a decree threatening to excommunicate all Catholics belonging to and cooperating with the Communist Party.

October 1 – Mao Zedong proclaims the People's Republic of China

October 12 – The German Trade Union Association (DGB) is founded in Munich.

The history of the revolution based on the book "Post-war" by Tony Judt, the film "They were in the Red Brigades" and other materials.

1968, the year of the barricades. Poles associate it with March, our southern neighbors with August, and the French – with May. The wave of student protests 40 years ago shook traditional European society, but above all it had a huge impact - according to some positive, according to others negative - on

the development and transformation of the Western value system. The year 1968, called the "year of barricades", was one of the most turbulent in the post-war history of the West. This year, John Lennon sang "Revolution" and Grace Slick of Jefferson Airplane sang "Now it's time for you and me to have a revolution." Revolutionary slogans gained the greatest popularity among student youth. A wave of protests swept across almost the entire world: from Rome and Paris, through American campuses, to Tokyo. (http://www.tvn24.pl)

World '68. France was not the only country through which student protests swept through in 1968. The "Paris May" was preceded by events overseas: the resignation of President Lyndon B. Johnson from his bid for re-election (March), the assassination of Martin Luther King and the riots at Columbia University (April). (http://www.tvn24.pl)

The year 1968 when the world caught fire

The year 1968 was one of those moments in history when it suddenly began to seem that the various acts of revolt converging at the same time could completely destroy the social order based on exploitation and oppression.

That year began with a striking blow to US imperialism, which was trying to break up opposition to the puppet regime in southern Vietnam. Armed uprisings against U.S. troops broke out in every city, the U.S. Embassy in Saigon was briefly occupied by rebels, and the battle for Hue, the country's former capital, lasted weeks. On televisions all over the world, you could see and hear an American general say about a certain city: "We had to destroy it in order to recapture it from the hands of the enemy."

The arrogant assumption of the U.S. ruling class that it could crush resistance in any corner of the world dominated by it was shattered. The consequences were felt at the heart of American society. The democratic anti-war presidential candidate, Gene McCarthy, scored unexpectedly well, while President Johnson declared that he would not run again.

The rival imperialist power, Moscow, was also reaping the brunt. In the Stalinist regime that had ruled Czechoslovakia since World War II, there was a split, which allowed students, intellectuals and workers for the first time to freely organize and discuss genuinely socialist ideas, and across the border, in Poland, students occupied universities and clashed in the streets with the attacking police.

In London, during the memorable March 17 March against the Vietnam War, tens of thousands of people tried to break through police cordons in front of the U.S. Embassy.

Just two and a half weeks later, Martin Luther King was assassinated in Memphis. In every "black" neighborhood in the United States, people rose up and attacked symbols of power and authority, and young African Americans turned their backs on the civil rights movement's quest for peaceful integration within existing American society and gravitated toward the overtly revolutionary ideas of the "Black Panthers." A week later, West German students were abuzz when one of their leaders, Rudi Dutschke, was shot after a campaign of hatred unleashed in Springer's right-wing media empire. Tens of thousands took to the streets with red flags to shut down the company's newspapers.

The most amazing was May. Defending a small group of activists against a police attack at the gates of the Sorbonne in Paris turned into a "night of barricades", during which tens of thousands of students chased away police officers, and the next day trade unions called a one-day solidarity strike and demonstration. This, in turn, has made millions of workers aware of their potential strength. Strikes and occupations spread and caused radio and television stations to shut down, airports to stop working and gasoline supplies to be cut off, until finally the whole country was paralyzed by a general strike in which as many as ten million workers took part, and which grew out of grassroots initiatives.

In France, President de Gaulle has been dictatorial for ten years, elevated to it by a parliament in panic in the face of the threat of a military coup. The events of May were for him

obvious humiliation. Strikes prevented him from holding a referendum. The world's media began to talk about the "French May Revolution".

In June, it was the turn of Yugoslav students, whose battle with the police in Belgrade under the slogan "Down with the Red Bourgeoisie" initiated the biggest political crisis in the country in 20 years.

In August, Brezhnev's Russian regime set about pacifying the ferment in Eastern Europe by sending tanks to Czechoslovakia and abducting the leaders of the revolted country — and it was shocked, encountering massive passive resistance from virtually the entire population. At the same time, all those who believed in "American democracy" learned a painful lesson when thousands of police officers brutally attacked anti-war demonstrators in Chicago outside the building where the Democratic Party convention elected pro-war presidential candidate Hubert Humphrey, even though he did not win any primaries.

The October Olympics in Mexico have become an occasion for a massacre far worse than anything we have seen this year in Tibet. In a square far from the city center, police locked a demonstration of tens of thousands of students in a cauldron and opened fire from nearby buildings, killing hundreds of people. The world's media and politicians preferred to ignore the streets dripping with blood and focus on condemning the victorious black American athletes who, standing on the Olympic podium, showed a clenched fist – a symbol of "black strength" – for which they were immediately disqualified from participating in the sport.

In Northern Ireland, armed police brutally attacked demonstrators from the Bogside ghetto in the town of Derry who were demanding civil rights for themselves. The demonstrators responded with a blow to the blow – which became the beginning of a great revolt against the sectarian state created by Great Britain after the division of the island in 1921.

International movement

Each spurt inspired the next, giving a sense of participation in the international movement. People who might otherwise consider their own struggles to be manifestations of particular conflicts have realized that they have a much broader meaning.

No one expected a revolt, as with any great uprising. The fifties and the beginning of the sixties of the twentieth century belonged to those periods of history in which the structure of society seemed to remain in a freeze. The forces in power overran and curbed the rebelliousness and ferment of the interwar period and the war years. The USA and the USSR divided the world into two spheres of influence not only in the geographical but also in the ideological space. If one did not accept the inhuman conduct and dogmatic speech of one side, one was expected to come to terms with the inhuman conduct and dogmatic speech of the other. Soviet dissidents were locked up in labor camps or psychiatric hospitals; American dissidents were fired by the Committee on Anti-American Activities, imprisoned like Dashiell Hammett, forced to emigrate like Charlie Chaplin, or had their passports taken away like Paul Robeson.

The times when the American unions associated in the CIO were a radical force were a thing of the past. The trade union movement in France and Italy was divided and seemed to be neutralized. The British trade union authorities were even bastions of the pro-American and pro-nuclear right wing of the Labour Party.

In social life there was an all-perpowering conformity. The family was understood as an arrangement in which a man works professionally and a woman works at home, taking on all the responsibility for caring for children. Women were expected to be subservient towards men, young people were expected to be submissive to their elders, blacks were expected to be grateful if they were not discriminated against. In the southern U.S. states, blacks were still denied active voting rights and prevented from any harm at the hands of racist thugs and police.

Liberal and social democratic apologists for the system spoke of a "welfare society" that raises everyone's standard of living, the "end of ideology" and the disappearance of the working class as it comes to participate in mass consumption, "typical of the middle classes." This message had an impact even on

fierce opponents of the system, such as the American philosopher of German origin, Herbert Marcuse. He drew a portrait of a "one-dimensional" society in which people are so deeply entangled in the ideology of "consumerism" that it excludes the possibility of any revolt in the strongholds of advanced industrialism.

Hardly anyone noticed the progressive changes beneath the surface of society, which undermined the existing structures and ideologies justifying them.

These changes had to find expression in the first place among young people. In every society, in every age, young people are more likely to actively oppose the prevailing conditions of oppression and exploitation than the elderly, weighed down by the weight of the past. Pupils and students, crammed into flocks of many thousands, are expected to efficiently implement the prevailing, nonsensical ideologies. At the same time, it is much easier for them to articulate their own arguments and give an organized expression to their feelings than for employees, even young ones, for eight hours every day chained to machines or stuck in an office routine.

That is why the students were the first to move in 1968, which gave the impression – perpetuated in the media to this day – that the speeches of that time were mainly about specifically student matters. In fact, these were manifestations of more general social crises.

Some signs of opposition were evident as early as the early sixties. In Britain there were mass demonstrations against nuclear armaments, in the US thousands of black and white schoolchildren and students participated in the civil rights movement, French students opposed the war in Algeria. In 1966 and 1967 there was a resurgence of such actions, including the first protests in the US and UK against the Vietnam War, the radicalisation of German students after the murder by police officers of a protester in Berlin, the spread of the concept of black power and armed self-defence among African-American student activists, speeches against the authoritarianism of professors and scandalous living conditions in Italian university towns. The events of 1968 followed the rapprochement between these different movements.

The Tet Offensive suddenly made us realize that those who ruled us were not omnipotent.

In the first months of 1968, student movements in Germany and Italy were much larger than anything that was happening in France. French activists complained that they did not have a movement as strong as the British one. These movements used increasingly revolutionary language, but it generally spoke of "student power" and that students were the "new class of revolutionaries."

The more radical were inclined to the view of Che Guevara (murdered by the CIA only a few months earlier) that the revolution would be led by armed actions in the most remote areas of the third world, while the workers of the West had allowed themselves to be "bought" by "consumerism".

All this began to change with the events of the French May. People suddenly saw the possibility of revolutionary changes much closer to their own backyard, and grassroots and massive. The sight of the working class holding the government of one of the most important capitalist states in check has had an impact on the consciousness of people fighting the system all over the world.

Great revolts fantastically broaden people's horizons.

Fully committed revolutionary activists were only a small part of the student movement – but this minority was already many times more numerous than only six months earlier. The experiences of that year turned the views of a much wider group upside down. These people began to listen, argue and discuss, as well as to read Marxist texts, which until now certainly could not be found in universities curricula. The forms of social conformity, which were the support of previous ideas, were also questioned.

Some of the changes were superficial but symbolically important, such as the fact that male students changed their suits to jeans and grew beards and long hair.

At the turn of the fifties and sixties, there was a very small counterculture on the margins of mainstream society, in which hallucinogenic drugs, leftist and pacifist ideas, avant-garde theater and poetry, folk music and oriental religions were characteristically mixed. This counterculture began to spread in wider circles with the birth of the hippie movement with the famous "summer of love" of 1967. Its audience increased significantly in connection with the events of 1968, and at the same time their politicization progressed. However, it was easy to confuse a change in personal lifestyle with a revolution.

Where conformity has prevailed so far, profound changes have taken place, even if they have often been mixed with lifestyle orientation. It was in 1968 that the Women's Liberation Movement was born, whose activists began to question the sexist assumptions with which radicalized young men came to the new movements. The following year, the first open-end gay organization was formed.

It was very important that the activists drew conclusions for the future from the events in France, which many of them led to revolutionary Marxist ideas, previously professed only by a handful of people in individual countries. They saw that it was not the "people" who shook France at all, but the workers.

The new Italian student revolutionaries (many of whom were "converted" members of Catholic student organizations) turned to the factories and played an important role in the wave of labor strikes that swept across the country during the "hot autumn" of 1969 (sometimes called the local "May in slow motion"). The slogan of American Students for a Democratic Society in 1964 was "Half the way with LBJ" – whereas at the end of 1968 its activists described themselves as "Marxist-Leninists". (it is shown here how the revolt of society arose in the conservative circles shown in the 2nd Kings by Jehu, and later these revolutionary movements turned to the left as shown in the rule of the Jekhu dynasty.)

The French post-May slogan was: "Ce n'est qu'un début" – this is just the beginning. And for the wider world, this was actually just the beginning. In 1969, student demonstrations turned into powerful demonstrations by workers at car factories in Córdoba, Argentina, and into an autumn wave of occupations and strikes in Italy. The 1970s were the year of an unprecedented wave of student protests in the U.S. after Nixon and Kissinger extended the Vietnam War to Cambodia and the National Guard shot and killed several students at Kent State University, Ohio. In 1972, the struggle of the Chilean people intensified, and at the end of 1973 the sit-in strike of Athenian students turned into a huge popular uprising, which after six months led to the collapse of the Greek military dictatorship. The 1974 coup toppled portugal's 40-year-old fascist regime and paved the way for 18 months of ferment. In 1975, opposition to the regime of the Spanish dictator Franco intensified to such an extent that just a few months after his death, his successors began to dismantle the fascist system. Britain experienced the largest wave of workers' struggles in half a century, culminating in the collapse of the Conservative government.

Students radicalized as a result of the events of 1968 managed in the following years to find common goals with a certain layer of workers and jointly form networks of dedicated social revolution activists in factories, mines, docks, offices, and schools and colleges.

The importance of such networks is another lesson learned from the events of French May. De Gaulle relied on the cowardly willingness to compromise among those who dominated the official structures of the labor movement. Union leaders willingly put an end to the general strike, ordering individual groups of workers to return to work one by one in exchange for partial concessions. Politicians were so concerned about the upcoming elections that they urged an end to the strikes, despite the fact that they were thus depriving the movement of momentum, which finally made de Gaulle's electoral victory possible.

The same pattern was repeated elsewhere in the following years, culminating in the signing by the official leaders of the British labour movements in 1975 and 1976 of "social pacts" to counteract strikes in the interests of "partnership" and social peace, a "historic compromise" in Italy, and a "Moncloa Pact" in Spain. Employers without hesitation began to take advantage of the opportunity to

getting rid of socialist activists and inflicting severe defeats on the workers' movements that once managed to threaten them.

Along with the labor movement, other movements born of the events of 1968 were weakening. The crisis capitalism of the 80s took severe revenge on the hopes awakened in that year, and in the 90s a seemingly universal new conformity prevailed, embodied neoliberalism.

Conformity

It is different from the old conformity of the 50s and the first half of the 60s. The old one suppressed an open discussion about sexuality; the new forces the transformation of sexuality into a commodity. The old man locked the women in the four walls of the house; the new one stigmatizes mothers who do not want to go to work for starvation wages. The old one preached the right of white Western governments to subjugate vast swathes of the world with bombs and tanks; the new one promotes mass killing in the name of "humanitarian intervention". The old one commanded a subservient attitude towards the upper classes; the new one proclaims the sacred rights of entrepreneurs and investors.

Just as in the 50s and 60s pessimism prevailed among a large part of the left, so it prevails today. Neoliberalism has its shadow in the form of postmodernism, with its claim that any total contestation of the system is impossible and dangerous. Part of the older generation contrasts their own years of rebellion with the alleged meekness of today's young generation. They forget that millions of people participated in the marches against the war in Iraq – far more than in the past marches against the Vietnam War. They forget how lost and sometimes demoralized the left was before the French May. And above all, they ignore the fact that capitalism is constantly transforming economic relations and forcing the masses of people to rebel at the most unexpected moment even for themselves.

The generation of 1968 had the opportunity to see how such revolts could break out, interact with each other and show millions of people that another world is possible.

Chris Harman (student activist in 1968) Text from the May issue

The Socialist Review has been shortened.

Translated by Paweł Listwan

Italian Republic.

March - June 1970 PRESENT TRUTH 23

Why the Italian Republic?

CONDITIONS IN ITALY

We should follow the developments in Italy, because Italy is the modern successor, expression or head of the Roman Empire, the head of the beast of Fr. 7:7-11,19-26; and the rest of Europe is the body of this beast. The killing of the beast, which will take place before the destruction of its body in the Time of Trouble (Dan. 7:11), represents the prior destruction of the Italian system. This is to be expected because Rome and Italy gave lodging to the Antichrist and that they persecuted the saints throughout the Gospel Age more than other countries.

Years of lead. Lead years

The time of the late 60s of the twentieth century - the beginning of the 80s. Place Italy Cause of social unrest of the 60s and 70s. The outcome of the end of the period of terrorism in Italy, the dissolution of paramilitary organizations Parties to the conflict Red Brigades, Prima Linea, Group of October 22, Proletari Armati per il Comunismo, Autonomia Operaia, Potere Operaio Ordine Nuovo, National Vanguard, Ordine Nero, National Front, Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari assisted by: United States

The Lead Years was a period of terrorism in Italy that broke out after a wave of strikes and student protests from 1967 to 1968 (the autunno caldo period or hot autumn). A series of attacks and clashes intensified in the 70s when numerous armed actions were carried out by groups of the radical left and right[1]. The conflict is named after the huge number of bullets fired during this period[2]

Social unrest of the 60s and 70s

The first riots took place in 1960 when Prime Minister Fernando Tambroni of Christian Democracy (privately a former member of the National Fascist Party and a representative of the right-wing wing of the Christian Democrats[3]) tried to base his rule on the support of the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI) and agreed to organize an MSI national congress in Genoa, a city with anti-fascist traditions. Protests against Tambroni and MSI swept many cities and as a result led to the resignation of the prime minister. Tambroni's resignation led to a period of relative calm and separation of powers between the Christian Democrats and the Italian Socialist Party. Waves of attacks preceded the protests of the late 60s. The period of years of lead began on November 19, 1969 with the death of police officer Antonio Annarumma during police fights with left-wing demonstrators.[5] Clashes between left-wing demonstrators and police were exploited by the neo-fascist far-right, which in December carried out a bomb attack on Piazza Fontana in Milan that killed 17 people and injured 88. (there is no evidence who carried out the assassination.) The target of the attack was one of the state offices.

In 1970, there was a failed attempt at a neo-fascist coup d'état called Golpe Borghese. The coup did not take place because of its discovery by the press a few days before the planned action. The coup attempt was supported by the Sicilian mafia.] The failed coup only radicalized left-wing circles, and in the same year the strongest Italian paramilitary organization, the Red Brigades, was formed. Acts of terrorism have been undertaken by both right-wing and left-wing paramilitary groups. The chaos deepened in 1978 when the Red Brigade commando kidnapped former Christian Democrat Prime Minister Aldo Moro, who was seeking a historic compromise between the Christian Democrats and the Italian Communist Party. In 1980, there was a neo-fascist bombing at Bologna railway station carried out by the Nuclei Armati group.

Rivoluzionari. As a result of blowing up the railway station, 85 people were killed and more than 200 were injured as a result of which the attack was considered the most brutal act of terror in post-war Italy.

Operation Gladio

The fact is the so-called Operation Gladio organized by the CIA and lasting since the 50s, the aim of which was to prevent the Communists from coming to power by means of a "strategy of tension". Operation Gladio organised a series of terrorist attacks and murders that the European far left was accused of, and in practice they were organised by far-right groups as part of the operation. Gladio was also part of the Stay-behind structure operating in many NATO countries. The operation was gradually revealed in Italy itself. In October 1990, investigating judge Felice Casson revealed that he had investigated the 1972 attack in which five Carabinieri were killed years ago, he had obtained testimony from one of the bombers indicating a parallel structure of nato's special services. In November 1990, Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti and then President Francesco Cossiga admitted publicly that they knew about the secret organization.] In the same month, italian communists organized a demonstration of thousands, protesting against the existence of Gladio and demanding finally clarification of the massacres that caused bombings in the 70s. This situation contributed to the collapse of the political system formed since the post-war times and the parties associated with it, in particular Christian Democracy and the Italian Socialist Party. In 2000, a report by the parliamentary committee of the Olive Tree faction was published, which stated that social tensions were maintained by the United States in order to stop the Italian Communist Party and, to some extent, the Socialist Party from coming to power.

Libyan support

Far-left organizations at the time could count on help from Libya, ruled by Mu'ammar al-Gaddafi.

Asylum for combatants

During the presidency of François Mitterrand, the French government in 1985 adopted the doctrine that left-wing Italian militants who flee to France and have not been convicted in Italy of "real, active and bloody terrorism" will be granted asylum in France and are not subject to the extradition process. The Asylum Act was promulgated on 21 April 1985 at the 65th Congress of the League of Human Rights (Ligue des droits de l'homme, LDH). The condition for obtaining asylum was integration into French society and a break with the past. Participants in the conflict also found refuge in other countries, e.g. the leading activist of the Red Brigades Alessio Casimirri found refuge in Nicaragua, and Cesare Battisti from the organization Proletari Armati per il Comunismo in Brazil.wiki

Description of the events of the revolution in the Italian Republic.

1.Causes of the outbreak of the revolution.

After a long phase of calm, in 1962 the first mass struggles of the new working class composition took place. They took place in development centers, especially in Turin. As a result of the wage demands of the workers, capital fell into crisis. The deep recession put an end to the fighting. The next economic boom consisted solely in the introduction of new methods of exploitation, long working hours and long overtime. The number of accidents at work has increased dramatically. Wages lagged far behind the drastic increase in labor productivity. From 1963 to 1967, production increased by 26.7 percent, while investment from 1963 to 1965 was reduced by a third and the number of employees decreased by 5.3 percent. Italy's gross domestic product grew by 64 percent in real terms from 1959 to 1968. Production per employee increased by 73 percent. Industry grew by 85.3 percent in real terms from 1959 to 1968, increasing its share of GDP from 6 to 47.6 percent. Economic growth in the 60s was largely based on the expansion of state industry, mainly the processing industry of raw materials, iron and steel production, communication and transport (highways). Private capital was invested mainly abroad – with the exception of large family businesses such as Fiat, Pirelli or Olivetti, which grew at a tremendous pace. In the 60s there was a consolidation of many large Italian corporations; the most important production zones were monopolized by only two

dozens of companies. The state had stakes in 11 of the 22 largest companies. The state-owned holdings IRI and ENI owned half of Montedison. This had a direct, strong, political impact on the class confrontation. However, broadly speaking, small and medium-sized enterprises continued to be the main characteristic of the Italian industry. In large companies there were comparatively few employees. In 1996, the 24 largest corporations employed only 654,000 manual and white-collar workers (Fiat 128,000, Montedison 119,000 and Pirelli 67,000), which made up 10 percent of the Italian working class. This explains many of the peculiarities of the class struggles in Italy, where the division between workers in large enterprises and those working in small and medium-sized enterprises posed a serious problem. The pay gap between employees in large and small enterprises was clearly greater in Italy than the corresponding difference in Germany or France. Pensions were minimal. Wage zones meant that wages remained lower in poorer regions. The revolution in Italy was motivated by the dissatisfaction of students and workers with the conservative governments of the time. The working class at that time came out against the overly wealthy capitalists, as they believed at their expense. Mainly people who came from the poor south to work in the rich north of the country rebelled. They rebelled against poor working conditions and lack of housing, slept in rooms for several people without hygiene conditions. It was these workers from the south who began to speak more and more loudly about these problems and to revolt the working class. The revolutionaries of the University of Trent conducted a political analysis of the situation, at the center of the protest movements, placed the workers' cities of the north as the main attack. They decided to move to Milan and, together with the workers' defense committees, to start fighting in large industrial plants. The movement established in the sociology department of the University of Trent gained great importance, although it had few members, but it was they who proclaimed that the working class was the "messiah" who would establish a new social order. With this movement, the struggle became more radical. The workers at first fought with respect for the rules and the law, they broke them while serving the cause of the proletariat. The slogans with which they walked on the streets were: "we want housing" and, "let's live but let's not pay rent", his supporters began by occupying vacant buildings. The year 1969 brought changes, the workers not only negotiated wages, but also fought for working conditions, but employers resisted. The Fiat factory was sabotaged due to sluggishness in negotiations with employers, in the eyes of employers they were vandals, they were suspended from their rights and stood trial. The trade unionists fought for the reinstatement of only some of them. So the victory turned out to be half-hearted. In this situation, the defense committee began to demand the reinstatement of all workers. It was a precedent, the committee came out against the trade union, one of the dismissed from work came to the rostrum and called for rebellion. When the revolutionary movement was born, the rebellion began to sweep the whole country, everyone protested, workers in factories, students in universities, social actions multiplied in cities, but the Communist Party did not react at that time, it closed ranks, but did not join these movements, because the communists considered these speeches as provocations. The party saw these movements as competitions and missed the moment of the uprising to fight by the new generation. The old left wanted to negotiate with capital, the new left wanted to radically change the world.

2.Breakthrough, terrorist attack in Italy, bomb in Milan.

On Friday, December 12, 1968, during rush hour, a bomb planted in a bank in the center of Milan exploded. 16 people were killed 88 were injured at the same time exploded a load planted in Rome, injuring a dozen people. There was evidence that the attack was carried out by fascist activists, but the authorities attributed it to left-wing groups, this manipulation was directed against trade unions, the action was to stop the revolutionary movement. This event caused a wave of arrests of left-wing activists, the media was flooded with propaganda against the left in order to attribute the attacks to them. The media began to scare the public that the left would lead to general chaos and struggle.

3.Kidnapping of Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro.

On March 16, 1978, a five-time prime minister called the "Great Weaver" of the Italian coalitions went to parliament to seal his great success - the approval of the first Italian government since 1947 supported by the votes of the Communists, did not arrive.

Pope Paul VI spoke to the faithful condemning terror and violence, and the Vatican engaged in mediation between the parties to free the prime minister. The pope's prayers and mediations for the prime minister did not help.

"The project "compromesso storico" promoted by Aldo Moro, i.e. a historic compromise between the Communists and the Christian Democrats, who had dominated Italy for three decades, put Giulio Andreotti at the head of the cabinet. And the patron of this government, 62-year-old Moro, former prime minister, recent head of diplomacy, friend of Pope Paul VI and a great behind-the-scenes player of Italian politics (according to his enemies, a great manipulator), was soon to change from the chair of the president of Christian Democracy to the post of president of the Italian Republic elected by parliament. The Red Brigades set a trap on Rome's via Mario Fani, 1.5 km from Moro's apartment, from where he left just before nine o'clock. On the way, he wanted to buy newspapers and drop by the church for a while. The vote of confidence in Andreotti's government was to take place at ten o'clock.

The driver, the commander of the escort and Moro himself were driving a Fiat 130. They were followed by an Alfa Romeo Alfetta with three other bodyguards. In the ambush, four cars and several attackers were waiting on the street - a total of at least 11 people, some in Alitalia airline uniforms, which were probably supposed to help the militants from various cells of the Red Brigades to recognize themselves. It is possible that the Red Brigades had the support of terrorists from the German Red Army Faction (RAF), because the witness heard german. Moro's kidnapping followed a pattern rehearsed in German RAF operations. A Fiat carrying a politician hit the back of a car on diplomatic plates with the leader of the Red Brigades Mario Moretti, which suddenly braked. The driver of the politician could not do much, because from behind he was first involuntarily blocked by an alfetta with an escort, and then he was surrounded by the cars of the attackers. Terrorists jumped out from among the hedges - 91 shots were fired, the driver and the escort died on the spot. - Leave me! What do you want?! Moro shouted as the kidnappers pushed him into their car. A few minutes later, a phone call was received at the ANSA news agency with information about the "kidnapping" of Aldo Moro. "He has what he deserves," conservative Cardinal Giuseppe Siri broke away when an assistant told him the news of Moro's abduction. "If you don't stop flirting with the Communists, you'll face severe punishment," U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger (according to Moro's wife) had previously warned Aldo Moro. "He is the most faithful of the executioners of the orders of the imperialist headquarters and the imperialist bourgeoisie. Let us fight, because the Stati Imperialisti delle Multinazionali [Imperialist States of International Corporations] are also being built in our country," the Red Brigades said in a statement tossed into a telephone booth two days after the kidnapping. The terrorists gave the information in which booth the message was by phone to the Roman daily Il Messaggero.

The Pope's intermediary also with a month's delay was unmasked another hiding place of the Red Brigades - at via Poa - because a special cell of the Ministry of Internal Affairs delayed taking the lead given by an undiscrypted informant called Cardinale.

The then head of the Interior Ministry, Francesco Cossiga, confirmed in 2008 that he had been defeated in the case of the young priest Antonio Mennini, who seems to have been an intermediary in the transmission of letters between Moro and the Pope. And most importantly, He confessed Moro shortly before his death.

"Don Mennini was at Moro's in the Red Brigades' hideout, and we missed it. If we had followed him, maybe he would have led us to terrorists. We eavesdropped on the phones of Moro's family and co-workers, and Don Mennini escaped us..." – Recalled Cossiga. Moro's former confessor is now Nuncio to the UK (formerly in Moscow), but, as Cossiga said, "the Vatican has arranged it in such a way that even today he cannot be interrogated."

Paul VI asks on his knees. In a communiqué on April 6, the Red Brigades announced that a "people's tribunal" had sentenced Moro to death, and another - as it turned out to be untrue - message of April 18 spoke of the death of the politician. Two days later, the Red Brigades called this mistake a psychological war of the police. Moreover, the terrorists threw up a photo of Moro holding the daily La Repubblica with a current date (as proof that he was alive) and for the first time made an offer to release the "convict" in exchange for the release of his imprisoned comrades. A statement on April 24 gave the names of 13 people for the exchange. Should I go to negotiations with the Red Brigades? The socialists with Bettin Craxi wanted it, but for the Christian Democrats with Prime Minister Giuli Andreotti (and the communists Enric Berlinguer) it would be to legitimize the violence, recognize the Red Brigades as a partner, open the door to further expansion of leftist terrorists, and the release of 13 militants would hit the morale of the police and special services. In a message to terrorists criticized by many Christian Democrats, the pope "asked on his knees" for Moro's release, was ready to pay a ransom and ordered prison chaplains to collect information from imprisoned members of the Red Brigades. On the other hand, a large part of the episcopate and the Roman Curia was against the negotiations. "It is enough for the Pope to write a letter appealing for release. It is better for one man to die than for the whole nation to go to ruin. Don't you see that we can end up in the arms of the Communists?" – this is how Deputy Secretary of State Bishop Giuseppe Caprio dismissed three bishops who asked for permission to surrender to the Red Brigades in exchange for Moro's release. (g.w)

46 members of the Red Brigades were responsible for participating in the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro. 17 were acquitted, 28 were sentenced to prison sentences of up to 15 years, and the leader of the Red Brigades, Maria Moretti, was sentenced to six life sentences. Moretti left prison in 1994.wiki

4.History of the organization "Red Brigades" Six months after the attack in Milan around June 1969, the proletarian left convened a congress to discuss the situation. The meeting had a political course and revolutionary goals were discussed. Decisions were made to start an armed struggle and the details of the course of such a struggle were discussed. The left realized that it did not have to constantly flee and hide from repression, but the proletariat should go on the attack, since then they have become aggressors. The Red Brigades were born in the autumn of 1970 in Milan (on September 14, 1970 – Pope Paul VI decided to dissolve the Palatine Guard and on October 20, 1970, the terrorist group Red Brigades was created in Italy, when the cars of strikebreakers from the Pirelli plant and Simens' management were set on fire. The Red Brigades were to provide armed assistance in the struggle between workers and employers. The attack was the largest factories in Milan: Siemens, Breda, Pirelli. The idea was that the foreman should be afraid of the red brigades, not the foreman's worker. The existence of the Red Brigades was not known to the public until March 1972. A photo was published in the newspapers with the barrel of a pistol attached to the head of the kidnapped director of the Milan Siemens plant and the inscription "Brigate Rosse". It was the so-called lightning kidnapping, after a few hours the director was released, it was a symbolic manifestation of strength. This picture horrified public opinion and, above all, the ruling class and the capital class. The organization conducted paramilitary activities. The directors of large plants were the main target hated by the left. The organization has shown that it will not give up and will fight to the end. There were plans to create an opposition workers' power, an armed organization, against a legal authority that would have the police, the military, the officials. The European Communists were initially pacifist, until the war in Spain, where General Franco used armed struggle against the left. The Spanish Communists then used terrorism as a weapon against franco's fascists, becoming an example for the Red Brigades. On the second of May 1972, the police found a hideout of the Red Brigades in Milan full of weapons and false documents. Arrests began, it came to light that the members of the organization were mainly factory workers. Important decisions were made then, in order to develop they had to go underground, secondly they had to disperse, separate, some of them went to Turin to set up a branch there, and some continued to operate in Milan. When the authorities hit them, it caused the growth of the organization and not its liquidation, the struggle became more and more fierce. They formed a new left and felt themselves to be the party of the future, they demonstrated in the squares singing and wearing red banners, leftist organizations such as "Lotta Continua" or "Potere Operaio" clashed with fascists and police with guns in their hands in the streets. The Red Brigades chose a completely illegal action, it was their weapon, the area of their fighting became factories. For the sake of greater efficiency, a unit of professional fighters was created, they received the equivalent of the salary of a smelter. Their work was to prepare a revolution, they fought in the shadows, there were initially about 30 of them. The comrades of the organization devoted themselves completely to it, voluntarily giving up their private life in favor of the class struggle, abandoning even their wives and families. The man of the Brigades lived like a monk, he was imbued with the workers' ethos, suffering, sacrifice, involvement in the armed struggle. The coup d'état in Chile on 11.09.1973 led the Communist Party in Italy to the conclusion that even if you get 51 percent of the vote, you cannot take power on your own, and decided to get along with the Christian Democrats, the Communists and the Christian Democrats compromised, this state of affairs was not accepted by the Red Brigades. The communists were of the opinion that the situation should be alleviated, the red brigades believed that the fight should be resumed. When the Fiat factory wanted to fire the most militant workers CZ.B. kidnapped the director of Fiat personnel. The trade unions sided with the company in the case, calling cz.B. social fascists and Nazi bandits. The unions wanted negotiation and compromise, Part struggle and confrontation. Then Judge Sossi from Genoa was kidnapped, the slogan of the kidnapping "attack on the heart of the state" Judge Sossi came from the fascist youth. In Genoa, he was associated only with the repression of leftists, he led a case against left-wing radicals fighting militarily against neo-fascists. The Pope asked for gentle treatment of the hostage. Negotiations began on the release and transfer of political prisoners through the Vatican. Until now, the fire of the revolt burned in the factories, now it is time for the cities. This kidnapping had political goals, the organization after many analyzes emerged three goals: political, military and economic power. Political power was personified by Christian democracy, economic power was represented by employers and companies associated with them, military power was represented by the police and courts.

Two months after Sossi's release in September 1974, members of the Red Brigades were arrested. In the trial, the detainees were judging a repressive undemocratic state. The revolutionaries refused to defend their defenders and threatened that the trial would not take place in the courtroom, but on the street. They declared that it was not they who were to blame, but the state. Taking such a position looked like a declaration of war on the state, and suggested that there would be an intervention of the Red Brigades outside the tribunal. So it happened, the intervention took place a month later CZ.B. murdered on the street of the Prosecutor General of Genoa Francesco Coco his bodyguards and chauffeur. Together with

The murder of the prosecutor and his escort death in the Republic of Italy has become a daily occurrence. At that time, the campaign for the parliamentary elections was underway, the secretary of the Italian Communist Party Enrico Berlinguer expressed the hopes and expectations of the left in the republic. In 1945, 4 million Italians voted for the Communists, a week after Coca's death there were already 11 million of them every third citizen. They said they were facing the old Christian democracy, the communists were triumphant. The communists wanted a salon revolution, the red brigades of armed confrontation, the violence won, the red brigades after the coup strengthened their forces, the activists said that the revolution was not a social evening. This action deprived people of illusions that they were participating in a banquet. The trial was suspended in the media, the red brigades emerged victorious because the state was unable to carry out the trial. It took the state a year to conduct the trial of Cz.B, the law should prevail, since then in the trial the accused did not sit in the docks but in cages behind bars. The trial was to begin in May 1977, Cz.B did not yield, Italy was shaken by two tragedies, in Turin the president of the bar council was murdered, in Rome the rector of the law faculty was kidnapped. The red brigades confessed to the execution in Turin. It was about achieving a certain goal, about disorganizing the court process. The words of one of the members of Cz.B., the death of a man is a real tragedy, but in the revolutionary process human life is one of the bargaining chips, moreover, death is also the most important, politics is the most important." In 1977, another wave of student and workers' protests took place, similar to that of 1968. In May, they faced police forces sent by the Christian Democrat government on the streets. Several people were killed in the fighting, violence gave rise to violence, CZ.B. did not join the fight in the streets, they considered them lost in advance. Their struggle was different, they hit specific targets, shook public opinion. In June, they began action against counter-revolutionaries, lawyers, prison guards, journalists. They sowed terror by shooting them in the legs. This action had two aims, the first was to intimidate and hinder the existence of corporations, journalists and lawyers. By attacking them with weapons in their hands, they attacked the institutions of which they were representatives. The second goal was propaganda, it was about giving publicity to the action of CZ.B. In 1977, the press in Italy stood against extremism CZ.B. calling them terrorists, before that the media did not take sides, since then they criticized CZ.B. Cz.B. considered it an open fight against the revolution, as a declaration of war by journalists. A few months later, the deputy editor-in-chief of the daily "La stampa" became the victim of this fight, this time the terrorist did not aim at the legs, but at the head.

The trade unions did not protest against the terror of cz.B. they did not stand for the state or for cz.B. Red brigades did not kill with revenge, killed to survive, reached higher and higher the hierarchy of the state. The brigades had a clear goal, to seize power, to break the weak link of the Western capitalist system that was the Italian Republic, and to engage in a long-term struggle for influence. They targeted three Christian Democrat politicians: Fanfani, Moro and Andreotti. In 1977, 30 years of rule by the tired conservative party supporting the Vatican were approaching. Andreotti was the chairman of the national council, Fanfani the chairman of the senate, Moro headed the party and was the only one who believed that in order not to lose power, it was necessary to share it. Enrico Berlinguer, the head of the Communist Party, was of the same opinion. In order to prevent the formation of a coalition between the Christian Democrats and the Communists, a decision was made to kidnap Moro. On March 16, 1978, they attacked the car in which Aldo Moro was driving, four people were killed, one was injured, Moro was kidnapped by CZ.B. After the attack, three trade union headquarters announced a general strike with immediate effect. People from big cities took to the streets and squares, red flags fluttered next to white ones with the cross of the Christian Democrats. The whole country stood on one side against the terrorism and radicalism of the Red Brigades and stood in solidarity with the kidnapped Aldo Moro, although for some of them he was until recently a political enemy. On the red brigades, these demonstrations did not impress, they did not withdraw from the set goal. When Moro entered the cell, he saw a red banner and a five-pointed star. On the third day after the kidnapping, CZ.B. sent a photo of Aldo Moro being held in the so-called people's prison. Moro sent a letter to conservatives in which he wrote, "I represent you all here, so make no mistake." In prison there was a people's court, the judge was one, it was the head of the red brigades Mario Moretti.

Mario Moretti szef czerwonych brygad.

The defendant in this process was the government, the Christian Democrats, the group that had ruled since the end of the war and all the negative phenomena that were associated with it: the mafia, assassinations, exploitation, dishonest power, corruption. The interrogation turned out to be a complete failure, Moro very intelligently deceived Mario Moreti, if he wanted to he could harm many people but did not say anything to their detriment. Mario Moretti said, "He says and says, but he didn't reveal anything concrete." The Red Brigades sent a message to Turin, Milan and Genoa regarding the kidnapping of Moro, the terrorists declared that the interrogation of prisoner Moro had been completed. They stated that Aldo Moro had been found guilty and sentenced to death. At this stage, the terrorists offered the other side to negotiate. Aldo Moro was found guilty but could be released in exchange for releasing the arrested terrorists. Taught by experience with the prosecutor, the Sossi were determined to murder Moro if he did not comply with his rule.

Moro knew perfectly well in whose hands he was, immediately at the beginning he wrote "I am in the possession of a great uncontrolled force" meant that the brigades are not controlled by anyone from the outside, that they are an Italian unit, an indigenous unit not controlled from the outside. Starting contacts from the outside did not make sense because no one from the outside pulled the strings, it was an organization operating without little supervision. Moro also wrote that this group leads the "geria" stated that "actually Italy is in a state of war, there was a confrontation of two camps, people are taken prisoner, it is war and war is a justification for the exchange of prisoners"

As a result of protests against the kidnapping, pressure was put on the government to succumb to terrorists, opposed by, among others, the secretary general of the trade unions Luciano Lama and pronounced a fiery

Speech,,in Italy there are no rare political prisoners are people held by criminals and murderers. The dignity of the state must not be denied! The dignity of democracy must not be denied! The dignity of Aldo Moro must not be insulted! Agreeing to negotiations that would mean the end of our values. We all feel the fear of Aldo Moro's imprisonment. Everyone! Because we are all vulnerable... to the misfortune that has befallen man, family, party and Italian democracy! The Red Brigades were impressed, sincere and brutal. The letters Moro sent to the government also exerted a great influence on his arguments, and they undermined the arguments of Lama and the Communist Party. Moro wrote, "Do you think refusing to negotiate in the name of rules that you do not follow yourself will solve the problems of our country? I tell you clearly, my blood is staining you personally the party and the whole country. It was as if his enemies were not CZ.B. but politicians. He accused them of cowardice and of his future death. Politicians had the dilemma of defending the individual or the dignity of the state, which in the past did not behave with dignity at all. Despite the fact that Moro's letters were harsh, the leaders of the Christian Democrats did not change their position and did not want to bend CZ.B. Cz.b. did not expect such a position of the rulers, they thought that the government would bend, but the political situation was very complex at that time and the co-ruling communists pressed, blackmailed the Christian Democrats not to succumb to terrorists. When they succumbed to terrorists, it would mean that they lost control of the state, the communists as allies of power said that whoever has control over the state does not negotiate with terrorists. An ultimatum to release the arrested terrorists for Moro's life has passed, despite the government's appeal to CZ.B. they stopped negotiating.

Pope Paul VI spoke when he published a letter: "I am writing to you, people of the Red Brigades. Let Aldo Moro return to his family and to life. I do not know you and I do not know how to contact you, so I am addressing you publicly begging you to stop threatening him with death. I beg you on your knees, release Aldo Moro and do not put conditions."

It was believed that the personal intervention of the pope would affect the situation. His letter seemed to express his understanding of CZ.B.'s deeds, and that was what they expected. The choice of words canceled the negotiations, according to these people from the letter there were three words too many, these words "do not set conditions" these words crossed out the whole appeal. The situation was hopeless, and Moro realized this, when they showed him the Pope's speech, he lost hope of being released. For terrorists it was impossible to release a hostage without receiving anything in return, it would be a disaster for them, the organization would fall apart. The brigades practiced politics with weapons. A month and a half after Moro's imprisonment, the Socialist Party proposed the release of two CZ.B. members who were in poor health, it was justified as a humanitarian gesture, but this initiative was not taken. Most politicians, along with the Communists, were against the exchange. Moro and CZ.B. advocated exchange. 45 days after the kidnapping, Cz.B.'s boss took a chance and called the Moro family. Mario Moretti was aware that the murder of Moro would also be a kind of defeat, although they held Moro, they received nothing in return, their strength became useless. That's why Mario decided to call the Moro family from a phone booth at rome station. The meaning of this conversation was obvious, we cannot give up, because if we do, no one will understand why we undertook the revolutionary struggle. We understand your problem, but do what you can, nothing is lost yet, we give you some time. In this conversation, no words were said about the prisoner exchange. Moretti proposed a compromise, and suggested that this was not about these 13 prisoners, the problem was Christian democracy, which should speak out clearly and firmly. The party must recognize that in Italy there is a war between the communist armed revolutionary organization and the government detaining political prisoners. Despite the fact that the conversation was tapped and recorded, the situation did not change, the rulers did not give in to the demands. On May 9, 1978, CZ.B. executed Aldo Moro and left the corpse in the trunk of a car, halfway between the headquarters of the Communists and the Christian Democrats. Moro's fate depended on both of these groups.

The words of one of the brigade chiefs after many years " This story began with the storming of the sky, carried out by the post-war generation, the first generation of prosperity. The most fierce were convinced that blood had to be shed on the way to the new world. The ship of the revolution, sailing on a sea of blood until it finally sank in it."

The sight of Aldo Moro's corpse is engraved in the memory of all those who were observers of these events. The Red Brigades continued their brutal struggle for another ten years, but Aldo Moro's death turned out to be

the beginning of their end, and at the same time the end of the old conservative world. (alliance of ten and the beast) Politicians that Moro did not want at his funeral gathered in the Vatican to attend the funeral ceremonies, confessed to calm their consciences. They did not resign from public functions, the Communist Party dissolved. After the tragedy of Aldo Moro, only a scale and a blood stain remained. Members of the Cz.B. organization have been sentenced from 15 years in prison to life imprisonment, all of them have become socially involved and live with a feeling of failure.

Footnotes:

Palatine Guard Soldier of the Palatine Guard, early twentieth century

The Palatine Guard (Italian: Guardia Palatina d'Onore) is the name of the non-existent infantry units of the Vatican City State. It was established in 1850 on the initiative of Pope Pius IX as a result of the merger of two pre-existing units of the Vatican armed forces. The Palatine Guard participated in many military operations, m.in the defense of Rome in 1870. It was dissolved by Paul VI in 1970.

Genesis

Pope Pius IX formed the Palatine Guard on November 14, 1850, deciding to unite into one army the troops of the two earlier formations of the Guardia Civica Scelta and the City Militia. The Pope decided to reform the Vatican military formations after returning from Gaeta, in which he had taken refuge due to the riots of 1848. On November 16, 1848, popular militias attacked the papal palace on the Quirinale. In the course of the events, some soldiers from the Guardia Civica went to their side.

The regulations of the guard established at that time defined its tasks: the main task of the Pallatiny Guard is to serve the Holy Person of His Holiness (...). It will be performed during the celebrations and in the papal chapels, as the Guardia Civica Scelta has done so far, which is being dissolved. The troops were to be subordinate to one of the cardinals, who nominated its commandant. It was to consist of a command and two companies, 80 soldiers each. Men between the ages of 20 and 30 were recruited.

Active service

The Palatine Guard officially entered service on January 1, 1851.

In 1859 Pius IX, satisfied with his guard, changed its name to the Honorary Palatine Guard. A military orchestra was formed, the soldiers received a white and yellow banner with the papal coat of arms and a pole ended with a figurine of the archangel Michael.

After 1860, the State of the Church entered the last phase of its existence. On the Apennine Peninsula, unification movements were becoming more and more lively. The Palatine Guard fulfilled papal orders, increasingly escorting food and armament supplies.

In 1867, the formation took part in military operations against Garibaldi's troops, helping to demilitarize them in Mentan.

For the last time in its history, the Palatine Guard took up service in the palace on the Quirinal on September 18, 1870. The commanders were excluded from talks on the conclusion of pacts with the government of the nascent Kingdom of Italy. At the time of Pius IX's death, on February 7, 1878, the Palatine Guard could only operate in a small area that remained under papal jurisdiction.

The next pope, Leo XIII, had sympathy for the Palatine Guard. In 1892, Cardinal Rampolla, the Vatican Secretary of State, reduced the troops to one battalion, which in turn was divided into four companies. In 1899, the uniforms were changed to better suit the spirit of the era.

After 1900, the ecclesiastical authorities appreciated the service of the Palatine Guard during the Jubilee Year, the last years of Pius X's life and the conclave at which Benedict XV was elected the new Bishop of Rome (September 3, 1914).

After World War I, Pius XI was elected Pope in 1922. This Pope spoke many times about the Palatine Guard, in public speeches and in a special speech at the audience for soldiers on April 11, 1922. The Pope said: "You are indeed, dear sons, a guard that no monarch would be ashamed of. You are guided by a spirit of piety that kindles the fire of faith.

In the following years, the guards helped in the organization of the celebrations of the Jubilee Years of 1925 and 1933, the jubilee of the pope's priesthood in 1929 and in the signing of the Lateran treaties.

The pacts between the Holy See and the Kingdom of Italy in 1929 enabled the Palatine Guard to have freedom of action that it had not had since 1870. On May 25, 1933, the guards took guard in the basilica and the papal palace in the Lateran.

After the death of Pius XI in 1939, the Palatine Guard celebrated its 100th anniversary during the pontificate of Pius XII.

In the post-war years, the guards served successive popes John XXIII and Paul VI. The latter awarded the Palatine Guard with the Conciliar Gold Medal on June 26, 1966.

Epilogue

In the eighth year of his pontificate, on September 14, 1970, Pope Paul VI, in a letter addressed to Cardinal Villot, ordered the dissolution of most of the Vatican's military formations, maintaining only the Swiss Guard.

The heiress of the Palatine Guard was to be the Society of Saints Peter and Paul. Paul VI approved its statutes on April 24, 1971. The organization brings together lay volunteers from the dioceses of Rome who offer their help to the Successor of Peter. The motto of the association is the call used years ago by the Palatine guards: Fide constamus avita (Italian: Faith saves us).

Christian Democracy (Italy) Italy

This article is part of the series: The Constitution and Politics of Italy

Christian Democracy (Italian: Democrazia Cristiana, DC) was the main group in the Italian political scene after the end of World War II. It was a party referring to the Christian Democrat ideology, it grew out of underground anti-fascist activity. Until the first half of the 90s, she repeatedly co-created coalition governments. It was dissolved in 1994 during the political changes caused by corruption scandals (the so-called Tangentopoli). The actual leader of DC remained its current secretary.

Sekretarze DC

 Alcide De Gasperi (1944–1946)

 Attilio Piccioni (1946–1949)

 Giuseppe Cappi (1949)

 Paolo Emilio Taviani (1949–1950)

Guido Gonella (1950–1953)

 Alcide De Gasperi (1953–1954)

 Amintore Fanfani (1954–1959)

 Aldo Moro (1959–1964)

 Mariano Rumor (1964–1969)

 Flaminio Piccoli (1969)

Arnaldo Forlani (1969–1973)

 Amintore Fanfani (1973–1975)

 Benigno Zaccagnini (1975–1980)

 Flaminio Piccoli (1980–1982)

 Ciriaco de Mita (1982–1989)

Arnaldo Forlani (1989–1992)

 Mino Martinazzoli (1992–1994)[1]

Red Brigades

The flag used by the Red Brigades (Italian: Brigate Rosse) is an Italian terrorist group modelled on Marxism, the Chinese Cultural Revolution and the struggle of revolutionary guerrilla units, created on 20 October 1970 by Renato Curcio and his wife Margherite Cagol and Franco Triano, Giorgio Semeria and Corado Simoni, convinced that only armed struggle and violence would enable the rapid overthrow of the capitalist system. The creation of the Red Brigades was associated with the emergence of a youth protest movement in the late 60s and their radicalization in the far-left spirit. Members of the Brigades during the years of lead organized many sabotage actions in factories, they also carried out many attacks and attacks against police services, prisons and barracks, claiming that they were directed against the symbols of the repressive state and symbols of inequality. The Red Brigades attacked journalists, officials, lawyers, trade union members and political parties. Left-wing and communist parties were attacked, which members of the group accused of betraying the ideals of the revolution. In 1978, the Red Brigades kidnapped and then killed Ald Moro, the former five-time Prime Minister of Italy. The organization also kidnapped the head of the NATO Land Forces Command for Southern Europe, General James Dozier, who was freed by the Italian police, by its anti-terrorist department Nucleo Operativo Centrale di Sicurezza. The well-clandestine, pyramidal structure of the organization made the Red Brigades a formation very difficult to detect and very efficient. The aim of the group was to break up the structures of the state and bring about a revolution. The group had about 400-500 members and 1000 collaborators. The organization obtained funds for the group's activities m.in from the support of its supporters. The group's activity was most common in the square of Rome, Genoa, Turin and Milan. During their activity, the Red Brigades undertook cooperation with smaller Italian organizations with a similar profile, including the Armed Proletarian Cells and the First Line. During the period of its activity, the organization received help from Libya ruled by Mu'ammar al-Gaddafi. In the 80s. The Red Brigades began cooperation with the West German Red Army Faction. There is also information about the Red Brigades' ties to the Japanese Red Army.

The split of the group in 1984 and the arrests at the turn of the seventies and eighties (which included several hundred terrorists) led to the dismantling of the structures of the Red Brigades. In January 2010, Manolo Morlacchi (son of the co-founder of the organization) and Costantino Virgilio were arrested on charges of trying to reactivate the Red Brigades.[9] At the peak of the 70s, the organization had 400-500 fully committed brigadisti rossi and about a thousand members assisting in some actions. Several thousand supporters of the Red Brigades supported them financially and helped them find hiding places.

*The Italian Communist Party (Partito Comunista Italiano, PCI) was formed as a result of a split in 1921 within the Italian Socialist Party and belonged to the Communist International (Comintern). In the post-war period, it belonged to the main political groups in the country. In 1991 it was transformed into the socialist and pro-European Democratic Left Party (Partito democratico della Sinistra, PDS). Some of the activists who intended to preserve the communist identity of the party left the PDS, establishing the Communist Revival (Partito della Rifondazione Comunista). * Potere Operaio (r Workers' power, workers' power) was a radical left-wing political group active from 1968 to 1973 (not to be confused with "Potere Operaio Pisano", which was one of the elements of the competing "revolutionary" Lott Continu.) Among the group's leaders were Antonio ('Toni') Negri, Nanni Balestrini, Franco Piperno, Oreste Scalzone and Valerio Morucci, who led the illegal armed wing [operaismo]. It was part of the "worker" Movement (operaismo), which led to the later development of the autonomist movement. The main area of activity of Potere Operaio were factories, especially large industrial plants in the northern part of Italy, as well as the publishing of newspapers and leaflets. She sought to base her Marxist theory on the daily lives of supposedly revolutionary factory workers. Potere

Operaio officially ceased to exist on 3 June 1973. Most of its main members participated in Autonomia Operaia, signaling the transition from operaism to autonomism. Some leaders later began to drift into more radical groups such as the Red Bygadas, including Morucci and Adriana Faranda, who took part in Moro's murder. Negri was arrested in the late 70s, accused as the leader of the Red Brigades. Oreste Scalzone was also arrested in connection with acts of violence. (p.a)

* Lotta Continua (the fight continues) Lotta Continua – Perpetual Fight. The largest non-parliamentary group of the radical left, founded in 1969 from a faction of the student-labor movement in Turin, which supported the strike at the Fiat factory. LC operated locally under the slogan "Let's take over the city". Disbanded in 1976. Since 1982, it has published a newspaper of the same name. (source-anarchist review.)

Between 1969 and 1984, members of the Italian Military Security Service SISMI (formerly called SID), neo-fascists and some members of NATO's network of clandestine special forces code-named Gladio launched a string of terrorist attacks and murders in Italy, killing more than two hundred people and injuring about six hundred. The two most spectacular attacks marked the beginning and the end of this

period: Piazza Fontana in Milan in 1969 (sixteen killed) and Bologna central station in 1980.

By spreading false information and falsifying evidence, the network of special services made sure that these crimes were committed.

the left was accused.

* Autonomizm

Clenched fist, symbol of autonomist movements

Autonomism - a trend of radical left-wing political thought, formed in the 60s of the twentieth century in Italy as

continuation of the workers' communism movement (Italian: operaismo). Over time, this movement assimilated many elements.

anarchist thought, combining it with Marxism. Groups invoking different autonomism

remain active primarily in Germany, Denmark, Italy and France.

The main theorists of autonomism are Considered to be Antonio Negri, Sergio Bologna, Paolo Virno and Mario

Tronti.

Characteristics

Autonomists accept the Marxist division of society into classes and the concept of the class struggle as

the main driver of political and social change, they also aim to build a society

classless, to which the active action of the working class is to lead. Unlike, however,

traditional Marxism also includes the unemployed and students in this class as groups remaining in

a community of interests with employed persons.

Autonomists consider the direct activity of workers to be the most effective form of class struggle.

outside traditional political structures (such as trade unions or political parties). Unlike

Marxists approve of forms of direct resistance such as electoral boycotts. Work closely with

non-Marxist emancipatory movements, such as feminism, the struggle for minority rights

sexual or environmental and animal rights movements

Autonomism in Italy

The emergence of the autonomist movement is connected with the development of the so-called workers' communism in Italy.

(operaismo) in the early 60s of the twentieth century. Operaismo leaders relied on criticism of traditional Italian

trade unions, which they considered to be corrupt and inefficient organizations, not defending in practice

workers' rights. In 1969 the main groups operating on the basis of the principles of autonomism and forming

his theory was Lotta Continua (Engl. Struggle Continues) headed by Adriano Sofrim and Potere Operaio (Engl. Power).

workers), whose main theoretician was Antonio Negri. In addition to the experience of Italian workers, an important

the emerging autonomism was inspired by the works of theoreticians, translated from English and French.

the Trotskyist Johnson-Forest Tendency and the Socialism group associated with the same trend of Marxism

or Barbarism.

Italian autonomists disseminated their ideas through their own media - newspapers Red Notebooks and Class

workers' magazine, whose main creators were Negri and Tronti, and illegal radio stations, such as

Bologna Radio Alice. In turn, the autonomist student movement evolved into action.

direct - refusal to pay bills for water and electricity supplies and occupation of universities.

After a bomb exploded in Piazza Fontana in Milan in December 1969 and after several similar attacks in

Rome (for which the autonomists were not responsible), the movement became the object of massive action on the part of the police

Italian. After the assassination of Aldo Moro by the Red Brigades, the autonomists were found complicit in this

Events. 12,000 activists of the radical left were arrested, about 600 fled Italy.

France

The first group to implement autonomist concepts in its activities was the organization Socialism or

Barbarism, headed by the philosopher Cornelius Castoriadis. This group focused on criticism of Stalinism and

Eastern Bloc countries, whose system she considered to deform socialist bureaucratic ideas

collectivism.

Influenced by Italian autonomism in France, the group Comrades was formed, centered around Yanna Moulier-

Boutanga, existing from 1974 to 1978, then part of the International Centre for

New Spaces of Freedom, cooperating with Italian autonomists, and at the same time also as part of the

the French Paris Assembly of Autonomist Groups. Also in the French autonomist movement

an important role was played by supporters of direct action, supporting the German Red Army Faction,

then forming an armed militia Direct Action. Autonomists also engaged in

the creation of squats, the creation of illegal media, the movement to improve the situation of the unemployed and

Immigrants. Currently, this type of activity dominates the movement. Autonomists do not cooperate with

other groups of the radical left in France.

Germany

The movement referring to autonomism appeared in Germany in the late 70s and was closely associated with

anarchism. Autonomists focused on creating squats, fighting against the construction of nuclear power plants.

and, to a lesser extent, direct actions. Currently existing autonomist groups

cooperate with feminist, ecological and anti-fascist movements.

Similar forms of action were taken by movements in Greece and Denmark.

Autonomism in Poland

In Poland, there are no groups or organizations referring to autonomist thought. Certain converging elements

can be found in the activities of the Left Alternative, some sections of the Federation

Anarchist and National Trade Union "Workers' Initiative". A number of articles

devoted to autonomism and written from an autonomist perspective, published the semi-annual "Review"

Anarchist". In 2007, the book "Workers' Autonomy" was published, containing translations

the most important autonomist texts (wiki)

original link in polish: here

Revolution in other countries in the world

‎ Revolution in other countries in the world. Germany's Baader-Meinhof Organization, also known as the Red Army Faction. (RAF) BIRTH OF THE ORGANIZATION: 14 May 1970 Founders: Andreas Baader, Ulrike Meinhof, Horst Mahler, Irmgard Mőller, Jan Carl Raspe, Ingrid Schubert, Werner Hoppe, Sabine Smitz, Helmut Pohl, Wolfgang Beer, Frederik Krabbe, Willy Peter Stoll, Elisabeth van Dyck, Rolf Clemens Wagner and Hans-Joachim Klein STUDENT PROTESTS IN NRF – on 22 May students demonstrated in Madrid, Rome, Turin, Belgrade, Brussels, Stockholm. Student protests in the U.S. and West Germany found no support among workers, unlike Italy and Argentina. The bloodiest events, however, took place in Mexico. On the night of October 2, at La Plaza de las Tres Culturas in Mexico City, a student protest ended in a massacre by police and the regular military. This was just 10 days before the inauguration of the Olympic Games in Mexico. Germany '68 - how Bild unleashed a revolution. Three shots - two in the head, one in the chest - became the direct cause of several days of riots in West Germany in 1968. Student leader Rudi Dutschke was injured. The would-be murderer admitted that he was inspired by articles in the tabloid Bild Zeitung. The students went to the headquarters of axl Springer's concern... It was April 11th. Dutschke, a 27-year-old theology student, fiery orator and leader of the communizing German student movement, stood outside the pharmacy. He wanted to buy medicines for his son, called - in honor of the prophet and revolutionary - HOSEA Che. Joseph Bachman, a 23-year-old unemployed peace painter, approached him and fired a pistol three times. - I hate communists. I felt I had to kill Dutschke," he explained to the police. Bachman, a frustrated fan of Adolf Hitler (he had a picture of him above his bed), was an avid reader of bild Zeitung. Axl Springer's bulwarówka has been fighting the left-leaning student movement for years. The pro-American, anti-communist journalists of the Bild Zeitung did not mince their words, even encouraging attacks on "leftist terrorists". "Don't leave all the dirty work to the cops," one headline proclaimed. Demonstration after the assassination of Rudi Dudschke. The assassination of the icon of the student movement led to five days of riots in West Berlin. Protesting students first attacked the headquarters of the Springer concern, where they fought a regular battle with the police. The burning of the magnificent building was prevented only by barbed wire fences erected in advance and additional police forces. There were also fights in Munich, Hamburg and Hanover. But the lack of wider public support, the arrest of the participants of the fighting and the withdrawal from political life of the "Red Rudi", who survived the coup but lost his health, led to a rapid pacification of the protests. Bachman's example was later taken by the Red Army Faction, a leftist terrorist organization specializing in assassinations of officials, businessmen, politicians and American soldiers. Katarzyna Wężyk Source: tvn24.pl Demonstration after the assassination of Rudi Dudschke\Eastnews (http://www.tvn24.pl) Red Army Faction, or class struggle in practice As a rule, Islamic fundamentalists are associated with the word "terrorists". Meanwhile, in West Germany in the early 1970s, the association was rather "students". And for good reason. 22 May 1967, Brussels, early afternoon. A column of smoke rises above this beautiful medieval city. Fire engines rush towards Nieuwstraat. On this second, after the Antwerp Meir, the most popular shopping promenade in Belgium, the L'Innovation department store is on fire – a pearl of Art Nouveau architecture and the work of Victor Hort. This is the deadliest fire in the history of Belgium: of the more than a thousand people in the building, 323 people have died in the flames and 150 are injured. Although it is difficult to imagine, the Brussels fire will give rise to even worse events. LEFTIST FEVER In Indochina is the Vietnam War going on at this time. The U.S. Army, which supports South Vietnam, has a terrible press among intellectuals – it is presented as a bunch of criminals and murderers. Protests, readings and demonstrations condemning the policies of the United States are multiplying. The U.S. is accused of war crimes of all kinds, and the climate of resentment is getting thicker. This includes West Germany, where radical student groups resent the government in Bonn not only for not condemning Washington, but also for thinking about supporting their ally. For the protesting students, it was a stone of offense, and they were students of a time of change and radicalization of youth movements, about to turn the world upside down during the revolution of 1968. In this turbulent period, ideas were sometimes born, to put it mildly, radical. Like the one expressed by Dieter Kunzelmann, inspired by the Brussels fire, in a leaflet distributed in West Berlin: "A burning department store with burning people allowed Vietnam to survive for the first time in a large European city (to participate in it and burn together)." The shocking content of the leaflet, of which the above quote was only an element, turned out to appeal to many people. Among others, to Andreas Baader, Thorwald Proll, Gudrun Ensslin and Horst Sőhnlein. These four, inspired by the tragedy of L'Innovation and striving at all costs to open Germany's eyes to the crimes of the Americans in Vietnam, decided to repeat the events of Brussels. On April 2, 1968, the group set fire to Shneider's department store and Kaufhof, both located in Frankfurt am Main. The group was caught after only two days. Against all four, the police quickly gathered enough evidence for the Fourth Criminal Chamber of the National Court presided over by Judge Gerhard Zoebe to convict. However, it was not enough to convince him to issue an adequate punishment, so it ended up with ridiculously low sentences of 3 years in prison, which were then reduced to 9 months. During the trials, however, Baader and Ensslin met two people important for their further fate: the lawyer Horst Mahler, who defended them, and ulrike Meinhof, a journalist from the Hamburg newspaper "Kontakt", who reported on the trial (and ardently justified the defendants). Barely behind the arsonists, the prison gates closed when the situation in West Germany deteriorated dramatically. The impetus for this took place on April 11, 1968, a week after the Baader group was caught. On that day, Rudi Dutschke, the head of the Socialist German Students' Union (Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund), was shot. The shot came from the hand of Josef Bachmann, but that was not important. What Bachmann read was important, and it was still the existing tabloid Bild. This flagship of Axel Springer's company was known for its aversion to student movements in general and socialist movements in particular, which reciprocated with an equal, if not hotter, antipathy. So when the ill-fated shots were fired, the student organizations led by the SDS blamed not only Bachmann, but also the entire Springer concern, which in their eyes was almost a symbol of what a left-wing student should fight against: reactionary, big capital. West Germany turned into a war zone – there were riots and arson, and a regular assault was launched on the headquarters of Springer's concern, trying to set fire to the building. Trying to control the situation, the police were labeled as forces of reactionary oppression, which was another stimulus to direct themselves not only against the West German capitalists, but also against the entire federal government. At this point, the left-leaning movement of the student-based Non-Parliamentary Opposition (Außerparlamentarische Opposition, APO) has become far-reaching radicalised. The existing division into the "red line", calling for the diplomatic resolution of disputes, and the "black line", which wants to initiate an armed struggle as soon as possible, has become blurred. According to one of the important figures of the APO movement, Fritz Teufel, this eruption of aggression was a bit of a surprise to them, because so far they have called for violence, they did not believe that anyone would actually start to inflict it. When cars, kiosks and department stores began to burn, the matter was already decided and the leftists of the APO declared war on the Brandt government, the bourgeoisie and capital. And it was into this war that the arsonists from Frankfurt, who were released ahead of time, came out. Nine months after their sentencing trial, Baader et consortes were again free people. They were given a new start and their deeds were forgotten on an extraordinary scale: four arsonists were allowed to set up an educational center for young people, where they were to take care of fugitive residents of correctional centers. It quickly turned out that they conduct pedagogical activity not only in the school or caring sense, but also in the political sense, involving pupils in initiatives related to groups grown out of APO. At the end of 1969, the court reconsidered the Frankfurt case and decided that the arsonists should serve the rest of their sentence. The four were summoned to voluntarily appear in prison to serve the rest of their sentences. While Thorwald Prol and Horst Sőhnlein decided to submit to the court's decision, Baader and Ensslin went underground, but not for long. On April 4, 1970, Baader was caught in Berlin's West German district of Kreuzberg. Even shorter than he did underground, Baader was in prison. His lawyer, Horst Mahler, the same one who represented him during the arson trial, obtained permission for him to leave prison and work in the library of the German Institute for Social Problems. On May 14, the library building was attacked by a group of former accomplices of Baader and Ulrike Meinhof. As a result of the action, a librarian, 63-year-old Georg Linke, was seriously injured, and Baader escaped. It is assumed that on that day the Baader-Meinhof group, also known as the Red Army Faction, began to exist. The second name, inspired by the Japanese United Red Army, was probably proposed by Horst Mahler, who became the theoretician of the group. The first one was used mainly by the media, never by the terrorists themselves. The core of the organization consisted of, in addition to the aforementioned, Irmgard Mőller, Jan Carl Raspe, Ingrid Schubert, Werner Hoppe, Sabine Smitz, Helmut Pohl, Wolfgang Beer, Frederik Krabbe, Willy Peter Stoll, Elisabeth van Dyck, Rolf Clemens Wagner and Hans-Joachim Klein. The first goal of the terrorists was to get weapons, money and establish contacts with other "rebels" fighting the bourgeoisie and the reaction. To this end, between June and September 1970, some members of the Rote Armee Fraktion participated in a training camp organized by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine in Jordan. They were to prepare for armed struggle and underground activities, as well as establish contacts with other terrorist organizations. Upon his return, two bases were established: in Hamburg and Frankfurt am Main. Then the implementation of further stages of activity, i.e. the acquisition of weapons, began. In a way, it is ironic that its first suppliers were... neo-Nazis from the bar "Wolf's Bed" in Charlottenburg. Two features of the RAF were evident at an early stage of its operations. Firstly, the creation of a recruitment group based on lumpenproletariat, which was in contradiction with the previous method of building an organization based on academic youth; secondly, combining criminal and political activities. It is also explained in two ways: on the one hand, Baader's interpretation, according to which a criminal act is in itself a political act, and on the other hand, the victims of terrorists were representatives of the bourgeoisie and capital, i.e. political enemies and at the same time having the money needed by the RAF for further activity – the creation of an "urban guerrilla" and the achievement of further "revolutionary goals". Not only did they need money to function – they had to have conspiracy premises, garages, cars, fake identity cards, passports and driver's licenses, printing presses, explosives and weapons. The activities of the Baader-Meinhof group were inaugurated by the robbery of three banks in West Berlin on 29 September 1970. THE SPECTRE OF TERRORISM IS CIRCULATING OVER GERMANY The federal republic has caught fire. There were more robberies, bombings and arson attacks across the country. There were three left-wing organizations behind them: the Red Army Faction, the Socialist Patients' Collective and the June 2 Movement. These actions were relatively small, rather intended to maintain an atmosphere of fear and provide the best possible financial and logistical base for further operations. In the spring of 1972, however, the period of preparation ended and the terrorists began an offensive: on May 11, 1972, three simultaneous bombings of American military installations in Frankfurt am Main took place. The very next day, the augsburg police station flew into the air, and the Bavarian Criminal Office was also blown up on 12 May. On May 15, investigating judge Buddenberg was killed by an explosive explosion in Karlsruhe. Apart from himself, only 17 wounded were killed. "Only" because it is estimated that if all five prepared charges exploded, the attack could end up with up to 300 deaths. On May 24, cars explode in front of the barracks and the US Army casino in Frankfurt am Main. The Red Army faction became public enemy number 1. The Länder police were thrown into action with one goal: to track down and capture the activists of the Baader-Meinhof group at all costs. The task was difficult, because the organization operating in complete underground was well secretive. However, fewer and fewer people wanted to support them – even other far-left organisations began to protest against the methods used by the RAF. The June 2 Movement, although it was also a terrorist organization, did not go completely underground, without forcing, for example, its members to abandon their previous professions. To become a terrorist of the Baader-Meinhof group, it was necessary to completely break with the previous life. One of the elements of initiation, emphasizing this, was the condition of committing a criminal act. This principle, introduced by Andreas Baader, was intended to make the new members aware that there was no turning back: they had just spoken out against rotten bourgeois society and its principles. From now on, only a revolution was to exist for them. The West German police actually threw everything to get the terrorists and succeeded. Baader and Raspe are arrested on 1 June, Ensslin falls on 7 June and Meinhof on 15 June. Arrests and a police manhunt paralyzed the core of the organization. By the end of 1972, the organization was in disarray, about 200 people had been arrested, and it would seem that this was the end of terrorism in Germany. In place of the sinister Red Army Faction, only a number of militias such as the Revolutionary People's Army, the Ruhr Red Army, the Revolutionary Women's Cell, the Red June Detachment, the RAF Reconstruction Organization, the Anti-Fascist Struggle et caetera, usually existing very briefly or without any activity, were formed. IMITATORS However, it was not only the RAF that carried out terrorist activities in Germany. The vacuum left by him was filled by the June 2 Movement. He also changed the recruitment profile, relying on the workers and the poorest, but this was where the similarity ended. The June 2 Movement both did not give up its legality (i.e. it did not force its members to break with their previous lives), but also cut itself off from the criminal activities that the RAF adhered to. This does not mean, however, that it gave Bonn any "reduced tariff": while in 1972 there were 73 terrorist attacks in Germany, in 1973 this number increased to 80. One of the elements of the activities of West German terrorists were kidnappings. The two most notorious occurred during the recovery of the RAF. On 10 November 1974, the president of the Court of Appeal in West Berlin, Günter von Drenkmann, was kidnapped (an unsuccessful attempt, but von Drenkmann died the next day in hospital), and on 27 March 1975 the June 2 Movement kidnapped the chairman of the West Berlin CDU, Peter Lorenz. Bonn agreed to meet the conditions of the kidnappers and in exchange for the release of the politician agreed to release some of the arrested terrorists from prison. For the June 2 Movement, Lorenz's kidnapping was the same as the 1972 May bombings for the RAF: a success too spectacular for the federal government to leave unanswered. In a short time, the police managed to break up this organization. This time the success was not so crushing – the organizational foundations of the Movement remained, but the place of the previous leaders was taken by criminals and the organization first followed in the footsteps of the RAF, attacking banks and offices for robbery purposes, and then gave up any activity other than criminal and at the turn of 1976 and 77 it was dissolved. At that time, however, the Red Army Faction returned to action. The arrests of 1972 put virtually the entire core of the organization in prison, so the reconstruction took a long time and required some changes, such as the creation of channels allowing RAF leaders to control the activities of the organization from prison. At that time, leftist terrorists hardly carried out actions in the Federal Republic, except for individual attacks, such as the blowing up of the hamburg railway station or the assassination of the daughter of Ulrich Klug, the chairman of the Hamburg Justice Office (Justizbehörde), hated by the terrorists. The RAF devoted most of its attention to actions outside Germany, at least until early 1977, when Siegfried Haag took over. After a short period of silence, another wave of terror sweeps through Germany. There are further attacks, robberies, burglaries and thefts (terrorists fall prey to 1463 rifles, 197 submachine guns and 225 ID cards). However, this is only the beginning. On 7 April 1977, Sigfried Buback, the Prosecutor General of Germany, was killed in Karlsruhe. On July 30, Jürgen Ponto, the president of Dresdner Bank, is shot dead during an attempted kidnapping, and at the end of August the police manage to thwart an attempt to shoot from a rocket launcher built in a rented apartment of the Prosecutor General's Office. On 5 September, Hanns Martin Schleyer, president of the German Employers' Association, was kidnapped. Once again, the RAF pushed the federal government against the wall. Schleyer, in addition to being the head of one of the larger organizations of West German capital, was also a member of the CDU. For his release, the terrorists demanded the release of Andreas Baader and Gudrun Ensslin. Bonn could not agree to this. After the government's refusal on 13 October 1977, terrorists from the RAF-affiliated Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine hijacked a Lufthansa Boeing 737 and threatened to execute all passengers if Bonn did not comply with the demands of the Red Army Faction. Chancellor Helmut Schmidt refused, but when the terrorists began to prepare to set fire to the passengers, the plane attacked the anti-terrorist squad from GSG 9 and recaptured the hostages. On the same day, 18 October, Andreas Baader, Jan Carl Raspe and Gudrun Ensslin hanged themselves in stammheim prison near Stuttgart. It is difficult to say whether it was a hood murder (which the government terrorists accused the government of) or a genuine suicide of prisoners after the failure of an attempt to get them out of prison (as officially stated). The fact is, however, that this was the end of the so-called "first generation of the RAF", because Ulrike Meinhof committed suicide on May 9, 1976. The day after the news of the death of Baader and the rest was announced, Schleyer was brutally murdered, and his body was found in the trunk of a car left near Mulhouse. This is just the beginning of revenge – three Lufthansa planes are planned to be blown up on November 15, but the action does not take place. Instead, terrorists set fire to a number of warehouses in Germany, but this is one of the few actions they take. The police are chasing them continuously – they manage to arrest 18 terrorists. The RAF is again pushed underground, and those who managed to avoid arrest flee to Austria where they contact the leftist anarchists of Reihard Raffael Pitsch. Between 1977 and 1979, they will undertake a number of audacious terrorist actions, starting with the kidnapping of Austrian millionaire Walter Palmers on November 9, 1977 (they will receive 4.5 million marks of ransom for him), to the attempt to assassinate NATO Commander-in-Chief General Alexander Haig on June 25, 1979, to the attempt to blow up the Unterwasser Essenhamm nuclear power plant in April 1979. Extinguishing THE FIRE The 1980s was a period of increasingly rare RAF attacks, but their victims are carefully selected targets. On July 9, 1986, Prof. Karl-Heinz Beckurtus, head of Siemens' research department, was killed. On 30 July 1986, Heinz Hassler, the chief of police of the Principality of Liechtenstein, was shot, and on 30 November 1989, Alfred Herrhausen, director of the board of Deutsche Bank, was killed in an assassination attempt. The intensive work of the German services striving to eliminate the terrorist network continued, but the fatal blow was inflicted on it only by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the reunification of Germany. First, with the fall of communism, the West German leftists lost the meaning of struggle, because it was no longer possible to rekindle the class struggle. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, what everyone had suspected for a long time came to light: that such a long activity of the Red Army Faction was possible thanks to the logistical, financial and material support of the eastern security services, mainly the Stasi, but also the Polish Security Service. The last major RAF action took place on 27 June 1993, when the newly built Weiterstadt prison was blown up, and on 20 April 1998 the organisation announced its self-dissolution. That was the end of the Red Army Faction. With the unification and liquidation of the Stasi, all terrorist groups operating in West Germany almost ceased to operate. Does this mean that all terrorist leftist groups in Germany were supported by the eastern security services? It is difficult to give an unequivocal answer, although this thesis seems to be plausible. At the dawn of the West German terrorist movement lay the anxieties of the 1968 student revolution and opposition to the Vietnam War, and at this early stage there may have been no cooperation yet. However, it is hard to believe that the communist students, only after three months of training in the PFLP camp, managed to create such a perfectly camouflaged structure that they managed to lead the West German police and special services by the nose for many years. The Baader-Meinhof group began the fight with the postulates of pacifism and the improvement of the situation of the poor. Very quickly, however, with the escalation of aggression, they became terrorists, arsonists and murderers, killing in the name of class struggle and the destruction of the bourgeoisie. Opposition to the restoration to public life of those accused of contacts with Nazism or simply being Nazis evolved into a movement whose activities cost many dead and wounded and multibillion-dollar damage. The way the Red Army Faction has come is evidenced by the fate of one of its founders, Horst Mahler. A lawyer who still lives today defending Baader, Ensslin and others after the arson trial in Frankfurt, later a leftist terrorist and Maoist, he became a member of the Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany in 2000 and is currently serving a sentence for the "Auschwitz lie", propagation of anti-Semitism and incitement to hatred on the grounds of nationality (Volksverhetzung). Author: Przemysław Mrówka Source: Histmag.org License: CC BY-SA 3.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. "Terrorism in Germany", Institute for the Study of Contemporary Problems of Capitalism, Warsaw 1977. 2. Tomasiewicz Jarosław, "Terrorism against the background of political violence: an encyclopedic outline", Firma UsługowoHandlowa "Apis", Katowice 2000. 3. Tomczak Maria, "Terrorism in Germany and West Berlin: Sources, Strategy and Consequences of the Activities of Terrorist Groups of the Extreme Left", Instytut Zachodni, Poznań 1986. Rudi Dutschke Rudi Dutschke Rudi Dutschke (March 7, 1940 in Schönefeld, Germany – December 24, 1979 in Aarhus, Denmark) was an ideologue and the main spokesman of the left-wing German student movement in the 60s. He broke away from the supporters of the radical Red Army Faction. He supported "long marches through the institutions" of power, which were to consist in the participation of activists of student left-wing movements in the apparatus of power. As an "integral part of the machinery" of the administration, they could make radical changes in society. This concept was adopted from Antonio Gramsci (Italian Communist) and the Frankfurt School. In 1968, Dutschke survived an attempt on his life. 12 years later, health problems related to complications after the shooting contributed to his death. Students from radical circles complained that Dutschke's assassination attempt was inspired by an anti-student campaign led by Axel Springer's publishing house. These accusations contributed to the government's ban on the distribution of Springer's writings throughout Germany. Against this background, there were street clashes in German cities. Proof that Dutschke's theory was put into practice is the Axel Springer publishing house, which is conservative at the time, today considered left-wing. Political Views-,,March through The Institutions" Under the influence of Rosa Luxemburg's critical theory of Marxism, Dutschke developed his own theory and practical foundations for social change – through the development of democracy in the process of revolutionizing society. Dutschke argued that transformations in Western countries should go hand in hand with liberation movements in "third world" countries and democratization of Central and Eastern European countries. Dutschke's socialism was firmly rooted in Christianity; he considered Jesus Christ to be "the most prominent revolutionary." At Easter in 1963 he wrote: Jesus is risen. There was a decisive revolution in the history of the world – a revolution of love that overcomes everything. If people make full use of this revealed love in their own lives – in fact, "today," then the logic of insanity will cease to exist. The death of student Benno Ohnesorg in 1967 at the hands of the German police pushed some participants in the student movement towards violence and extremism; contributed to the formation of the Red Army Faction. The use of violence against Dutschke led to further radicalization of the student movement. Its activists committed several bombings and murders. Dutschke renounced these practices. He feared that they would harm the student movement or lead to its split. Instead of using violence and terror, he proposed the aforementioned "long marches through the institutions".wiki Purpose and haracteristics of the revolution. In 1967, the leader of the student revolt in West Berlin, Rudi Dutschke, presented a then unclear plan for a "march through the institutions." The plan was a response, on the one hand, to the increasingly harsh reactions of the police to the anarchist student city demonstrations, and on the other hand, to the increasingly reluctant attitude of society towards the constantly protesting youth. The march through the institutions formulated a new tactic to transform the democratic system and take real power by small groups of left-wing activists. They were to gradually penetrate into social institutions, master them and transform them from within. The slogan of the march was: "Turn this whole store upside down." The essence of the idea of marching through institutions, however, was much deeper and included the takeover and reconstruction of institutions understood not as organizational structures, but as mechanisms of social life - language, religion, politics, science, art, culture, and finally elementary individual and community identity. The concept of the march contained another non-obvious, but perhaps the most important goal. It broke with the idea of revolution as a process of destroying the institutions of the old system in order to make room for the construction of the new system, which had persisted since the beginning of the nineteenth century. The march through the institutions assumed not the destruction, but the takeover of the institutions of traditional society with all their social prestige and filling them with new, anti-cultural content. The slogan "turning the store upside down" meant, in essence, a total demoralization of the institution of traditional culture and exposing it to mental corruption. In such a comprehensive plan, the most important thing was the demoralization of the strongest opponent - the Christian Democrats. As a result of the march through the institutions, left-wing intellectuals already in the 90s mastered most of the key positions in academia and the media shaping public opinion. France "Adieu, de Gaulle!" '68 The largest student revolt, at one stage supported by workers, took on the Seine. France had just passed the so-called 20 years of glory – post-war economic growth that changed the face of the country. Its inhabitants in the post-war years focused primarily on earning and consuming, on raising the standard of material life. The events of 1968 were a rebellion against such a lifestyle and an attempt to destroy a strictly hierarchical society by representatives of a new generation – the fruit of the post-war baby boom. The number of students in France increased from 200,000 in 1950 to 850,000 in 1970. And it was this environment that rebelled. STUDENT REVOLT IN FRANCE – It began with a series of student strikes in Paris and clashes with university authorities and the police. Attempts by the de Gaulle administration to suppress the protests by force only exacerbated the situation, leading to street battles, a general strike of students and finally a general strike, when 2/3 of the French workers refused to work. The culmination of the student-workers' protest was on May 30, when about half a million people, led by the largest trade union headquarters CGT, marched through the streets of Paris, singing "Adieu, de Gaulle!". The general dissolved parliament and set new elections for June 23, 1968. The authorities got along with the trade unions, and the political left cut itself off from street protests. The election brought victory to the General, and the Gaullists became even stronger. It was not until a year later, after losing the referendum, that de Gaulle left the highest office in the state. World '68 France was not the only country through which student protests swept through in 1968. The "Paris May" was preceded by events overseas: the resignation of President Lyndon B. Johnson from his bid for re-election (March), the assassination of Martin Luther King and the riots at Columbia University (April). May 1968 was the general name for the riots and social protests that took place in France between May and July 1968. They were initiated by student protests, the direct cause of which was the removal of demonstrators by the police from the occupied department of the Sorbonne in Paris. These protests led to a general strike of several weeks, which paralyzed the entire country. Over time, the students were joined by the workers, and then also by other categories of society. The blade of protests was directed primarily against Gaulist rule, and in a broader field against capitalism, imperialism and traditionalist society. The events of May 1968 and the reforms they brought about had far-reaching effects on the cultural, political and economic life of France. Political and economic situation and new trends in youth culture In the years 1967-1968, student protests took place not only in France, but also in Great Britain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, West Germany, Italy, Spain, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Japan, Brazil, Uruguay, Mexico, the United States, Australia and many other countries, although the greatest echo in the world was these, which took place in France. In the events of May 1968 in France, both political (international and internal), economic and moral and cultural changes (mainly coming to Europe from the USA) played a role. Many of the demands made coincided with those in other countries, for example, as in Germany and the USA, students and left-wing circles in France demonstrated against American policy in the Third World countries, in particular against the protracted Vietnam War. However, the domestic rule of conservatives was also the object of criticism (in the 60s in France, the president was General Charles de Gaulle, and the prime minister was Georges Pompidou). Memories of the dirty war in Algeria (1954–1962) were vivid. Already in the early 60s, French students founded a "university anti-fascist front" to combat right-wing aspirations in the army and their armed arm – the secret organization OAS. In May 1968, the growing popularity of left-wing ideologies became the cause of demands even for the resignation of the government, and in any case for profound political changes. However, economic reasons were also at the root of the protests and strikes. For the first time since the end of World War II, the economic situation in France began to deteriorate, unemployment was rising. Demonstrations were becoming more and more frequent, e.g. in 1967 trade unions demonstrated against the reform of social security, on January 26, 1968, during a strike at a truck factory in Caen, riots and clashes with the police took place, later this scenario was repeated at Le Mans and Redon. In all these cases, the workers were joined by students. Throughout Europe, the 60s were also a period of turbulent development of new trends in youth culture, in particular the hippie movement, whose ideology, having its roots in the USA, was quickly taken over by European youth. Its external manifestations were most visible, expressed, for example, in fashion and music, but its ideology was also important – rejecting the authoritarian state, propagating free love and living in anarchist communes. In historically Catholic France, where contraception was banned until 1967, this led to generational conflict and youth involvement in protest movements. The youth protested against the authoritarian society, the materialism of the generation of the economic miracle and technocracy. They demanded improved teaching conditions and democratisation of universities, but also profound changes on a national scale for the benefit of civil society. The left in France before 1968 The left in France has traditionally had a strong position. The left-wing movement, however, was not uniform, but divided into many, often warring, groups. The Marxist current was also divided into many currents: in addition to the parties faithful to the lines of the Soviet Union, there were Trotskyist and Maoist parties. Of greatest importance were the popular French Communist Party and the largest trade union organization associated with it, the General Confederation of Labour (CGT – Confédération générale du travail). These organizations initially did not support the later student protests, they were rather guided by pragmatism and were mainly interested in fighting for a salary increase and maintaining their leadership role in working class circles. Ernesto Guevara, Simone de Beauvoir and Jean-Paul Sartre in Cuba in 1960 Close to the Communist Party were also the leading intellectuals of that time: Jean-Paul Sartre, Maurice MerleauPonty, Simone de Beauvoir, Roland Barthes, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Henri Lefebvre, who often combined left-wing views with the tradition of existentialism, humanism and structuralism. The decidedly anti-Marxist trend was the group centred around the magazine Socialisme ou Barbarie, headed by the libertarian socialist Cornelius Castoriadis. On the leftist scene there were also anarchists and anarcho-syndicalist trade unions such as the CNT (Confédération Nationale du Travail), which were guided by anarchist ideology. The first protests. Occupation of the University of Nanterre Daniel Cohn-Bendit at the Cologne Literature Festival in 2006 Daniel Cohn-Bendit (born 4 April 1945 in Montauban) is a German politician. Cohn-Bendit was born in France to a German-Jewish family that fled National Socialism in 1933. He spent his childhood in Montauban. In 1958 he moved to Germany, where his father had been a lawyer since the end of the war. He attended the Odenwaldschule in Heppenheim (Bergstraße) in southern Hesse. At birth, he was officially stateless. When he reached the age of 18, he had the right to receive German and French citizenship, but renounced the second one to avoid possible conscription.[1] He was one of the leaders of the student movement in France and the Paris may 68.[2] He co-organized the occupation of the administration of the University of Nanterre on March 22, 1968, which initiated mass protests.[2] After the end of the occupation, he became one of the leaders of the March 22 Movement, which referred to the occupation, which announced on 2 May the organisation of protests as part of the "anti-imperialist day" in Nanterre[2]. During the events of May 68, he was a supporter of peaceful tactics, opposing the use of violence.[2] He earned the nickname "Red Dany". In 1968, he was expelled from France to Germany after instructions for the production of explosives were found with him (Cohn-Bendit was a German citizen at the time).[2] After his deportation, he settled in Frankfurt am Main, where he became editor-in-chief of the left-wing newspaper Pflasterstrand (a position he held until 1990). He was friends with Joschka Fischer – they were associated with the alternative club Batschkapp and founded the group "Revolutionärer Kampf" (Revolutionary Struggle)[1]. In 1972 he was employed in an alternative kindergarten in Frankfurt. He worked there for over 2 years[3]. In the 80s, he became involved in the Activities of the German Green Party. From 1989 to 1994 he headed the newly established Municipal Office for Multiculturalism in Frankfurt. Member of the European Parliament since 1994, member of the Group of the Greens – European Free Alliance. In the elections in 1999 he entered the European Parliament from the list of the French Greens, in 2004 – from the list of the German Greens, and in 2009 again in France, from the list of the Coalition Europe Écologie gathered around the Greens. In the terms 1999-2004 and 2004-2009 and 2009-2014 co-chairman of the Group. Member of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs and of the Committee on Constitutional Affairs of the European Parliament. It supports the federalist idea in the European Union[4]. In 2001, German journalist Bettina Röhl accused him of pedophilia on the basis of self-quotes from her autobiographical book The Grand Bazaar (1975).[6][3] He included similar accounts in an article published a year later in the cultural journal "das da"[7]. In a television interview in 1982, Cohn-Bendit described further details, emphasizing that "the sexuality of a child is something wonderful" and "the feeling of being undressed by a 5-year-old girl is fantastic, because it is a game of an absolutely erotic nature."[8] These statements were later repeatedly criticised by Cohn-Bendit's political opponents, m.in Declan Ganley and Le Pen[9]. In 2001, Cohn-Bendit admitted that his stories "would be unacceptable today."[7] In 2009, during a debate with Ganley, Cohn-Bendit explained that these statements were the result of a broader social trend of social experimentation, including research on "child sexuality," in the wake of the sexual revolution. (wiki) Student protests were initially directed against the outdated and ossified education system. Since the 50s, the number of students has tripled without a fundamental change in the rules of functioning of the university. They demanded the necessary reforms and modernization of universities in order to adapt them to the new requirements of the economy. The first major protests, which were a direct fuse in May 1968, took place in Nanterre near Paris, where students objected to the presence of plainclothes policemen in the campus. In January 1968, these officers were photographed by students, after which photos were used on boards carried during demonstrations. Lectures at the Faculty of Sociology were disrupted, and on February 14, the so-called "furious" (Enragés) began occupying academic houses in Nanterre. Finally, a group of 142 students of various left-wing orientations founded the radical March 22 Movement at the Faculty of Philosophy of the local university. The university administration building was occupied, the study conditions were improved, as well as the co-educational nature of the dormitories. The main activists of the movement were Daniel Bensaïd and Daniel Cohn-Bendit, who in the following weeks and months as "Dany le Rouge" ("Red Dany") became the most famous face of the opponents. His first best-known public appearance took place during the opening of the swimming pool in Nanterre on January 8, 1968, when he criticized the opening minister of sport and youth François Missoffe, among other things, for not being interested in the sexual problems of young people. The inability to resolve the conflict and the continuing unrest finally led to the closure of the University of Nanterre by the authorities on 2 May. The beginning of 1968 was also marked by protests from other circles. In addition to the already mentioned workers' strikes, people of culture also demonstrated. In February, in front of the Trocadéro Palace in Paris, filmmakers led by François Truffaut protested against the dismissal of Henri Langlois, director of French Cinematography, by the then Minister of Culture, André Malraux. The 500-strong demonstration was brutally suppressed by the police, although many artists and intellectuals such as François Truffaut, Jean-Paul Sartre, Jean-Luc Godard, Jean-Pierre Léaud and Claude Jade were among the participants. Entry to the Sorbonne Outbreak of student protests in Paris The outbreak of demonstrations in the French capital took place on May 3, 1968, when students, despite the ban of the authorities, organized a rally of several hundred people in the premises of the Sorbonne. During the rally, protests were held against the closure of the University of Nanterre the day before. On May 2, there were also clashes with the police, as a result of which eight students, including Daniel Cohn-Bendit, were summoned to appear before the university council. During the cleaning of the university grounds, the police used tear gas, demonstrators threw paving stones at the officers. This event was the beginning of unrest throughout the Latin Quarter. There were street fights between several thousand demonstrators and the police, a total of 600 participants were detained. On 4th May the National Union of French Students (UNEF) and the National Union of University Lecturers (SNESup) called for an indefinite strike in higher education institutions. In the following days, protests expanded, demonstrations and strikes also broke out in other university centers, especially Nantes, Rennes, Strasbourg, Toulouse. The government's policy was not conducive to calming the situation – the sentencing of four demonstrators to prison, the bringing of Daniel Cohn-Bendit before the disciplinary committee. On May 6, 600 people were injured during further violent demonstrations in the Latin Quarter, and the police questioned 422 protesters. On May 7, students and high school students organized a 30-kilometer march from Denfert-Rochereau to Place de l'Etoile, demanding that their demands be met. The students announced the occupation of the Sorbonne after the police left there. Education Minister Alain Peyreffe refused to negotiate and said the Sorbonne would be closed until peace returned in the Latin Quarter. On 9 May, an agreement was reached between the two largest trade unions – the communist General Confederation of Labour (CGT) and the socialist-Christian Democrat French Democratic Confederation of Labour (CFDT), which decided to meet the UFNE in order to take joint action. By May 10, demonstrators had won the opening of the Nanterre campus, but failed to achieve the release of the detained students and the opening of the Sorbonne. This led to another exacerbation of the protests – the construction of barricades, which were built m.in from overturned cars and paving stones torn from the roadway and stacked. Not only students participated in it, but also unemployed youth, schoolchildren, workers, immigrants. Demonstrations and riots continued, fought by the police. The reactions of the inhabitants of the streets where the barricades were located were different, in addition to condemnations, there were also signs of solidarity with the demonstrators (bringing food, allowing escape). By the evening of May 10, 60 barricades had been built in the area between Boulevard St. Michel, Rue Claude Bernard, Rue Mouffetard and the Pantheon, primarily along rue Gay-Lussac. On the night of May 10-11 at 2:00 a.m., the police began to clear the area ("night of the barricades"). 460 people were questioned, 367 people were injured, 188 cars were burned. These events led to a wave of solidarity with Parisian students, first throughout France, and later in other European countries. The main trade unions – CFDT, FEN (Education Workers' Union), the moderate Force Ouvrière and even the communist CGT, which was initially hostile to students, called for a general strike scheduled for May 13. Turning point – students' re-occupation of the university In response to the protests, Prime Minister Pompidou, who had to interrupt his trip to Afghanistan because of them, finally decided to meet three demands of the students: the release of the detained participants of the incidents, the withdrawal of police units from the Latin Quarter and the opening of the Sorbonne. On May 13, the announced general strike broke out. In Paris, it began with a million-strong joint demonstration of trade unions, students and schoolchildren on the route to the Gare de l'Est to the Denfert-Rochereau square (students went further to the Champs de Mars). After the opening of the Sorbonne, the students immediately occupied it. The university was declared a "commune libre", the university has since become one of the main stages of organizing rallies, discussions of polemics, calls for change, etc. In the following days, other faculties and universities were occupied, e.g. in Nanterre, Montpellier, Aix-Marseille, Nice, but cinemas, theaters, high schools, railway stations, etc. also became places occupied by demonstrators. Black (anarchist) and red (socialist) flags flew over the buildings and during the demonstrations. There was also solidarity with the Prague spring and students in Poland, and several activists at the Sorbonne sent telegrams to political offices in Moscow and Beijing, threatening to overthrow the local "bureaucrats". In addition to discussions at universities, specific activities were also carried out. For example, the École des Beaux-Arts has become a "folk workshop" ("atelier populaire"), printing posters calling for change using screen printing technique. In addition, about 400 so-called "action committees" were established at the universities, e.g. the Committee on Football, North African Workers, Contacts between Students and Workers, the Committee of the Furious-Situationists, the Council for Maintaining the Occupation of Buildings. Artists and journalists are also joining the protests. On the evening of May 15, about 200-300 employees from the theater community occupied the Odeon theater in Paris, which became one of the most famous protest stages. The next day, the "wild" strike was started by employees of the New Paris Press (NMPP), and on May 17, journalists of public technical workers of the ORTF (public radio and television) joined the strike. On 19 May, at the request of the jury, the Cannes Festival was also discontinued. A general strike, the beginning of strikes. The general strike announced for May 13 quickly spread to the whole country and all professional categories. On the evening of 14 May, workers seized the Sud Aviation plant in Bouguenais near Nantes and imprisoned the management in their offices. As a sign of solidarity with the workers, students joined the strike pickets at the plant. On 15 May, workers joined at the Renault plant in Cléon, then at the plants in Flins, Sandouville, Le Mans, and on 16 May at Boulogne-Billancourt. Since 17 May, the SNCF railway, metro and Air France and most of the metallurgical industry plants have been on strike, since 21 May the post office and telecommunications, workers in the chemical, textile and other plants (Peugeot, Michelin, Breguet, Citroën). Large bets entailed smaller ones. While on 16 May 50 enterprises were occupied, on 17 May 200,000 workers (including almost the entire metal and chemical industries) were on strike, after two days the number of participants in the strike increased to about 2 million. There were disruptions in fuel supplies, the economic infrastructure of the state was paralyzed. According to estimates, a total of 8-10 million workers joined the strike, the largest number in history in democratic countries. The cooperation of workers and students (2 Kings 10:15-28). From the beginning, these strikes met with the support of students occupying the Sorbonne and other universities. In this way, the workers expressed their solidarity with the students in the first half of May. Joint actions were carried out, e.g. at the occupied Faculty of Literature in Paris-Censier, students and workers jointly developed leaflets in which mutual solidarity was expressed. In general, in France there was an atmosphere of social solidarity, unity against the "oppressive" power – the "spirit of May". The common slogan of the strikers was "Imagination is in power". The attitude of the traditional left to strikes The parties and left-wing organizations behaved expectantly at first, then more and more tried to control the course of events. FPK and CGT officers tried to prevent students and workers from fraternizing too much. When students marched from the Latin Quarter to the Roenault plant in Boulogne-Billancourt on May 17 to join the striking workers, they were not allowed inside the plant. CGT cars also drove through the streets, from which trade unionists tried to instruct demonstrators through megaphones how to behave. However, these guidelines were mostly ignored. During the demonstration, the CGT order still tried to separate the workers belonging to the unions from the students. Unlike the FPK and CGT, which initially denounced them as adventurers and anarchists, the protesting students were positively welcomed by the socialist-Christian Democrat CFDT. Further strikes – attempts to resolve the conflict During strikes, demands are quickly radicalized. While at the beginning of the rallies at the Sorbonne and other universities, most students initially represented a pragmatic position and made moderate demands, as the situation developed, social issues began to be raised more and more and demanded fundamental changes in social relations. Radicalisation also took place in working class circles. While the CGT in its normal activities demanded only higher salaries, the strikers now even demanded the resignation of the government. More moderate demands included wage increases, the introduction of a 40-hour working week, reform of the insurance and pension systems, and the creation of "free" universities. The third decade of May became a test of the striking forces, the French government and the left-wing opposition. The authorities began by repressing the leaders – on May 21, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, returning to France from a visit to students in Germany, was banned from entering the country. This did not prevent him from crossing the border "illegally" and the ban led to a demonstration on May 22, the slogan of which became "We are all German Jews" (Cohn-Bendit's parents, who had French citizenship, fled Germany from Nazi persecution before World War II). On 24 May, de Gaulle changed his tactics and announced in the evening on television a referendum for June and an agreement to the "participation" of students and employees in the management of universities and establishments. De Gaulle's proposals did not receive a positive response among the strikers. At the call of UFNE and SNESup, there were further demonstrations in Paris and other cities, during which m.in stock exchange was burned. A police commissioner was also killed in Lyon. These events caused the public to become increasingly concerned about the development of the situation and to distance themselves from the protesting students. As the CGT was also increasingly keen to end the strike, negotiations with trade unions and employers began on Rue de Grenelle on 25 May. On 27 May, an agreement was signed under which the minimum wage was to increase by 25% and other wages by 7%, and it was agreed to gradually reduce working hours to 40 hours a week, lower the retirement age, extend the rights of unions, etc. When CGT boss Georges Séguy presented the negotiated "Grenelle Pact" at Renault's Billancourt plant, he was booed. The workers did not agree to end the strike. On the same day, 27 May, a rally organised by the UNEF, the Socialists and the CFDT took place at the Charlèty Stadium in Paris, during which it was proposed to form a centre-left government with Pierre Mendès France as Prime Minister; The next day, François Mitterrand announced that he was ready to take office as president. On May 28, the communists proposed the formation of a government with their participation, and on May 29, the CGT organized demonstrations in many cities demanding the formation of a "people's government". De Gaulle's speech – controlling the situation Charles de Gaulle De Gaulle's radio speech[ Faced with the vision of losing power by himself and the conservative party, de Gaulle decided to resort to the last resort. On May 29, he flew by helicopter with a short, secret visit to Baden-Baden in Germany, where the headquarters of the General Staff of the French troops in Germany was located. This short (one and a half hour) visit caused various conjectures in Paris (it was even said that de Gaulle had escaped). Its real reason was the desire to secure military support for further action: during the visit, de Gaulle had a conversation with General Jacques Massu, known for using strong-arm methods during the Algerian War. Upon his return, de Gaulle gave a radio speech on May 30 at 4:30 p.m. In his speech, De Gaulle stressed that he was the legitimate representative of state power and warned against "diversionary" actions and the continuation of strikes, which could eventually be good for the communists of the FPK, after which he announced the dissolution of the National Assembly and new elections for June 23. He also called on workers to return to work and threatened to impose a state of emergency. On the same day, 30 May, a million-strong demonstration of supporters of the government took place on the Champs-Elysées, led by André Malraux and Michel Debré. During the demonstrations, they warned of a civil war and called for an end to the protests. The end of the strikes on May 31 presented the composition of the new government, and there were more and more demonstrations in support of de Gaulle. The wave of strikes began to slowly subside. The strikes were also called for by the trade unions, with whom the authorities were negotiating to introduce the amended provisions of the Grenelle Protocol. The police began to remove strikers from the seized plants, and about 200 foreigners accused of inciting protests were expelled from the country. Restoring normal operation did not go smoothly everywhere. The removal of strikers from the Renault plant in Flins sparked several days of riots from 7 to 10 June, during which a student named Gilles Tautin was killed. On June 11, two workers were killed during clashes with police outside the Peugeot factory in Sochaux. On June 12, the March 22 Movement and several other left-wing organizations were banned. Protesting artists and students were removed from the Odeon (14 June), the Sorbonne (16 June) and the Academy of Fine Arts (27 June). There were also the last pockets of resistance among the big workplaces: Renault (18 June), Citroën (24 June) and ORTF (27 June). French politicians (as well as sociologists and journalists) were so surprised by the scale of the protests that they reacted only when in most French university towns they took on the character of almost civil war. De Gaulle did not intervene at all, but left the task of dealing with the demonstrators to Prime Minister Pompidou. All this meant that in government circles even a conspiracy theory arose later about the control of events by agents of the Enerda Stasi or other countries. The June elections to the National Assembly brought victory to the ruling Gaullist party. The alliance of the Gaullist UDR and the Independent Republicansgiscarda d'Estaing won 43.6% of the vote and formed a government, entering into a coalition with the Democratic Christian Centre (10.3%). The Communist Party won 20%, the Socialists from the FGDS 16.5%, the Radical Left (PSU) 3.9%. In July 1968, Pompidou was replaced by Maurice Couve de Murville. De Gaulle stepped down in 1969 after the French rejected his proposed referendum. De Gaulle died in 1970 – this was considered the end of the Gaullist era, but the conservatives ruled France for another 10 years. In 1969, de Gaulle was replaced by Pompidou, who remained president until his death in 1974, the Gaullists transformed into neo-Gaullists (Assembly for the Republic, Rassemblement pour la République – RPR), and finally merged with other parties into the Union for a Popular Movement (Union pour un Mouvement Populaire – UMP) and from 1995 to 2012 under the leadership of Presidents Jaques Chirac and Nicholas Sarkozy ruled France. As a result of the events of May 1968, the communists from the FPK lost much of their popularity among the workers, while the radical left – the Revolutionary Communist League (Ligue communiste révolutionnaire) gained in importance. After the unification of several socialist parties, the Socialist Party (Parti socialiste français) flourished, which came to power in 1981. The fruit of the ideology of 1968 in the 70s was the Green Party (Les Verts), which, however, did not enjoy such popularity as, for example, the Greens in Germany, or the far-left terrorist organization Action directe, which in the modern history of France played such a role as the Red Army Faction (RAF) in Germany and the Red Brigades in Italy. However, as in other countries, the events of 1968 also resulted in profound reforms and changes in cultural, social and political life. Many of the protagonists of May 1968 rose to high positions, others became lecturers at universities, further propagating the ideas they adhered to in their youth. Liberal ideologies began to spread in society, the fruit of May 68 is also the sexual revolution of the 70s, feminism and ecological movements. These events continue to have an impact on the social life of France and are the subject of debates and disputes. While the traditional left identifies with the goals and ideology of the 1968 protests, conservatives tend to reject them. So did Nicolas Sarkozy, President of France since May 2007, who said in his election speech in April 2007: "May 68 left us the ideology of intellectual and moral relativism. The heirs of May 68 pushed the view that everything has the same value, that from now on there is no difference between good and evil, truth and falsehood, beauty and ugliness. (...) The victim counted less than the perpetrator. (...) The cult of the idol of money, the pursuit of quick profit, speculation, the pathologies of the capitalist financial markets have their source in the values of May 68. If there are no more rules, no norms, no morality, no respect, no authority, then everything is allowed. Armed organization-,,Direct Action" Action directe - a French anarchist armed and terrorist group that operated in the 80s of the twentieth century in France. Members of Action directe were responsible for dozens of attacks (including assassinations) on representatives of industry and government administration. Action directe was formed in 1977 from the merger of two far-left GARI groups: (Groupes d'Action Révolutionnaire Internationalistes) and NAPAP (Noyaux Armés pour l'Autonomie Populaire). Her goal was to fight imperialism and defend the proletariat. In August 1982, the French government declared the group illegal. Action directe was responsible for about 50 armed attacks m.in on the federation of entrepreneurs, government buildings and the French army, as well as armaments factories. Action directe also carried out attacks on the manager of a French arms trading company and a former Renault executive. From 1985 she began cooperation with the German terrorist group Red Army Faction. During the period of its activity, the organization received help from Libya ruled by Mu'ammar al-Gaddafi. On February 21, 1987, the main members of Action directe, Jean-Marc Rouillan, Nathalie Ménigon, Joëlle Aubron and Georges Cipriani, were arrested and later sentenced to life imprisonment. Of these, only Joëlle Aubron was released in 2004 due to health problems (she died in March 2006). Nathalie Ménigon was paroled due to her health condition in August 2008. The other convicts are still in prison; they consider themselves political prisoners. Many representatives of the French far left believe that they should be pardoned.‎

see original doc here revolutions in other countires in polish

https://www.facebook.com/download/700598547697053/Niemcy%2C%20Francja.pdf?av=100012337358609&eav=Afb9eBePYC5TAMlDGlhNBBgBYI0KOj1QuLIbNLOvyk8kadiz0_feLQyEzANdGX5-iQQ&paipv=0&hash=Acp1phg9w-dQRvln8Y0&__cft__[0]=AZUjgt-Nb8VtlTHT08G5FFAMJ6ZWfXwK-bJJxLw2iqBj_eLMbfHuuNK4crPSlaAyewRUcLAgVUhy_kH4fJZo6Scw-hTBe_7D8LYN85fhkfhY1kZVNn752c2DTjZoxIaPAD6851ABLIg5tS20LOzAd21ywwvNbdbBW6deuLBcchhANhlcKyUXVn9GiAktUBuUuO8fOkJ-czn7Iig4lDEao9Na&__tn__=H-R