Revolution in other countries in the world

‎ Revolution in other countries in the world. Germany's Baader-Meinhof Organization, also known as the Red Army Faction. (RAF) BIRTH OF THE ORGANIZATION: 14 May 1970 Founders: Andreas Baader, Ulrike Meinhof, Horst Mahler, Irmgard Mőller, Jan Carl Raspe, Ingrid Schubert, Werner Hoppe, Sabine Smitz, Helmut Pohl, Wolfgang Beer, Frederik Krabbe, Willy Peter Stoll, Elisabeth van Dyck, Rolf Clemens Wagner and Hans-Joachim Klein STUDENT PROTESTS IN NRF – on 22 May students demonstrated in Madrid, Rome, Turin, Belgrade, Brussels, Stockholm. Student protests in the U.S. and West Germany found no support among workers, unlike Italy and Argentina. The bloodiest events, however, took place in Mexico. On the night of October 2, at La Plaza de las Tres Culturas in Mexico City, a student protest ended in a massacre by police and the regular military. This was just 10 days before the inauguration of the Olympic Games in Mexico. Germany '68 - how Bild unleashed a revolution. Three shots - two in the head, one in the chest - became the direct cause of several days of riots in West Germany in 1968. Student leader Rudi Dutschke was injured. The would-be murderer admitted that he was inspired by articles in the tabloid Bild Zeitung. The students went to the headquarters of axl Springer's concern... It was April 11th. Dutschke, a 27-year-old theology student, fiery orator and leader of the communizing German student movement, stood outside the pharmacy. He wanted to buy medicines for his son, called - in honor of the prophet and revolutionary - HOSEA Che. Joseph Bachman, a 23-year-old unemployed peace painter, approached him and fired a pistol three times. - I hate communists. I felt I had to kill Dutschke," he explained to the police. Bachman, a frustrated fan of Adolf Hitler (he had a picture of him above his bed), was an avid reader of bild Zeitung. Axl Springer's bulwarówka has been fighting the left-leaning student movement for years. The pro-American, anti-communist journalists of the Bild Zeitung did not mince their words, even encouraging attacks on "leftist terrorists". "Don't leave all the dirty work to the cops," one headline proclaimed. Demonstration after the assassination of Rudi Dudschke. The assassination of the icon of the student movement led to five days of riots in West Berlin. Protesting students first attacked the headquarters of the Springer concern, where they fought a regular battle with the police. The burning of the magnificent building was prevented only by barbed wire fences erected in advance and additional police forces. There were also fights in Munich, Hamburg and Hanover. But the lack of wider public support, the arrest of the participants of the fighting and the withdrawal from political life of the "Red Rudi", who survived the coup but lost his health, led to a rapid pacification of the protests. Bachman's example was later taken by the Red Army Faction, a leftist terrorist organization specializing in assassinations of officials, businessmen, politicians and American soldiers. Katarzyna Wężyk Source: tvn24.pl Demonstration after the assassination of Rudi Dudschke\Eastnews (http://www.tvn24.pl) Red Army Faction, or class struggle in practice As a rule, Islamic fundamentalists are associated with the word "terrorists". Meanwhile, in West Germany in the early 1970s, the association was rather "students". And for good reason. 22 May 1967, Brussels, early afternoon. A column of smoke rises above this beautiful medieval city. Fire engines rush towards Nieuwstraat. On this second, after the Antwerp Meir, the most popular shopping promenade in Belgium, the L'Innovation department store is on fire – a pearl of Art Nouveau architecture and the work of Victor Hort. This is the deadliest fire in the history of Belgium: of the more than a thousand people in the building, 323 people have died in the flames and 150 are injured. Although it is difficult to imagine, the Brussels fire will give rise to even worse events. LEFTIST FEVER In Indochina is the Vietnam War going on at this time. The U.S. Army, which supports South Vietnam, has a terrible press among intellectuals – it is presented as a bunch of criminals and murderers. Protests, readings and demonstrations condemning the policies of the United States are multiplying. The U.S. is accused of war crimes of all kinds, and the climate of resentment is getting thicker. This includes West Germany, where radical student groups resent the government in Bonn not only for not condemning Washington, but also for thinking about supporting their ally. For the protesting students, it was a stone of offense, and they were students of a time of change and radicalization of youth movements, about to turn the world upside down during the revolution of 1968. In this turbulent period, ideas were sometimes born, to put it mildly, radical. Like the one expressed by Dieter Kunzelmann, inspired by the Brussels fire, in a leaflet distributed in West Berlin: "A burning department store with burning people allowed Vietnam to survive for the first time in a large European city (to participate in it and burn together)." The shocking content of the leaflet, of which the above quote was only an element, turned out to appeal to many people. Among others, to Andreas Baader, Thorwald Proll, Gudrun Ensslin and Horst Sőhnlein. These four, inspired by the tragedy of L'Innovation and striving at all costs to open Germany's eyes to the crimes of the Americans in Vietnam, decided to repeat the events of Brussels. On April 2, 1968, the group set fire to Shneider's department store and Kaufhof, both located in Frankfurt am Main. The group was caught after only two days. Against all four, the police quickly gathered enough evidence for the Fourth Criminal Chamber of the National Court presided over by Judge Gerhard Zoebe to convict. However, it was not enough to convince him to issue an adequate punishment, so it ended up with ridiculously low sentences of 3 years in prison, which were then reduced to 9 months. During the trials, however, Baader and Ensslin met two people important for their further fate: the lawyer Horst Mahler, who defended them, and ulrike Meinhof, a journalist from the Hamburg newspaper "Kontakt", who reported on the trial (and ardently justified the defendants). Barely behind the arsonists, the prison gates closed when the situation in West Germany deteriorated dramatically. The impetus for this took place on April 11, 1968, a week after the Baader group was caught. On that day, Rudi Dutschke, the head of the Socialist German Students' Union (Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund), was shot. The shot came from the hand of Josef Bachmann, but that was not important. What Bachmann read was important, and it was still the existing tabloid Bild. This flagship of Axel Springer's company was known for its aversion to student movements in general and socialist movements in particular, which reciprocated with an equal, if not hotter, antipathy. So when the ill-fated shots were fired, the student organizations led by the SDS blamed not only Bachmann, but also the entire Springer concern, which in their eyes was almost a symbol of what a left-wing student should fight against: reactionary, big capital. West Germany turned into a war zone – there were riots and arson, and a regular assault was launched on the headquarters of Springer's concern, trying to set fire to the building. Trying to control the situation, the police were labeled as forces of reactionary oppression, which was another stimulus to direct themselves not only against the West German capitalists, but also against the entire federal government. At this point, the left-leaning movement of the student-based Non-Parliamentary Opposition (Außerparlamentarische Opposition, APO) has become far-reaching radicalised. The existing division into the "red line", calling for the diplomatic resolution of disputes, and the "black line", which wants to initiate an armed struggle as soon as possible, has become blurred. According to one of the important figures of the APO movement, Fritz Teufel, this eruption of aggression was a bit of a surprise to them, because so far they have called for violence, they did not believe that anyone would actually start to inflict it. When cars, kiosks and department stores began to burn, the matter was already decided and the leftists of the APO declared war on the Brandt government, the bourgeoisie and capital. And it was into this war that the arsonists from Frankfurt, who were released ahead of time, came out. Nine months after their sentencing trial, Baader et consortes were again free people. They were given a new start and their deeds were forgotten on an extraordinary scale: four arsonists were allowed to set up an educational center for young people, where they were to take care of fugitive residents of correctional centers. It quickly turned out that they conduct pedagogical activity not only in the school or caring sense, but also in the political sense, involving pupils in initiatives related to groups grown out of APO. At the end of 1969, the court reconsidered the Frankfurt case and decided that the arsonists should serve the rest of their sentence. The four were summoned to voluntarily appear in prison to serve the rest of their sentences. While Thorwald Prol and Horst Sőhnlein decided to submit to the court's decision, Baader and Ensslin went underground, but not for long. On April 4, 1970, Baader was caught in Berlin's West German district of Kreuzberg. Even shorter than he did underground, Baader was in prison. His lawyer, Horst Mahler, the same one who represented him during the arson trial, obtained permission for him to leave prison and work in the library of the German Institute for Social Problems. On May 14, the library building was attacked by a group of former accomplices of Baader and Ulrike Meinhof. As a result of the action, a librarian, 63-year-old Georg Linke, was seriously injured, and Baader escaped. It is assumed that on that day the Baader-Meinhof group, also known as the Red Army Faction, began to exist. The second name, inspired by the Japanese United Red Army, was probably proposed by Horst Mahler, who became the theoretician of the group. The first one was used mainly by the media, never by the terrorists themselves. The core of the organization consisted of, in addition to the aforementioned, Irmgard Mőller, Jan Carl Raspe, Ingrid Schubert, Werner Hoppe, Sabine Smitz, Helmut Pohl, Wolfgang Beer, Frederik Krabbe, Willy Peter Stoll, Elisabeth van Dyck, Rolf Clemens Wagner and Hans-Joachim Klein. The first goal of the terrorists was to get weapons, money and establish contacts with other "rebels" fighting the bourgeoisie and the reaction. To this end, between June and September 1970, some members of the Rote Armee Fraktion participated in a training camp organized by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine in Jordan. They were to prepare for armed struggle and underground activities, as well as establish contacts with other terrorist organizations. Upon his return, two bases were established: in Hamburg and Frankfurt am Main. Then the implementation of further stages of activity, i.e. the acquisition of weapons, began. In a way, it is ironic that its first suppliers were... neo-Nazis from the bar "Wolf's Bed" in Charlottenburg. Two features of the RAF were evident at an early stage of its operations. Firstly, the creation of a recruitment group based on lumpenproletariat, which was in contradiction with the previous method of building an organization based on academic youth; secondly, combining criminal and political activities. It is also explained in two ways: on the one hand, Baader's interpretation, according to which a criminal act is in itself a political act, and on the other hand, the victims of terrorists were representatives of the bourgeoisie and capital, i.e. political enemies and at the same time having the money needed by the RAF for further activity – the creation of an "urban guerrilla" and the achievement of further "revolutionary goals". Not only did they need money to function – they had to have conspiracy premises, garages, cars, fake identity cards, passports and driver's licenses, printing presses, explosives and weapons. The activities of the Baader-Meinhof group were inaugurated by the robbery of three banks in West Berlin on 29 September 1970. THE SPECTRE OF TERRORISM IS CIRCULATING OVER GERMANY The federal republic has caught fire. There were more robberies, bombings and arson attacks across the country. There were three left-wing organizations behind them: the Red Army Faction, the Socialist Patients' Collective and the June 2 Movement. These actions were relatively small, rather intended to maintain an atmosphere of fear and provide the best possible financial and logistical base for further operations. In the spring of 1972, however, the period of preparation ended and the terrorists began an offensive: on May 11, 1972, three simultaneous bombings of American military installations in Frankfurt am Main took place. The very next day, the augsburg police station flew into the air, and the Bavarian Criminal Office was also blown up on 12 May. On May 15, investigating judge Buddenberg was killed by an explosive explosion in Karlsruhe. Apart from himself, only 17 wounded were killed. "Only" because it is estimated that if all five prepared charges exploded, the attack could end up with up to 300 deaths. On May 24, cars explode in front of the barracks and the US Army casino in Frankfurt am Main. The Red Army faction became public enemy number 1. The Länder police were thrown into action with one goal: to track down and capture the activists of the Baader-Meinhof group at all costs. The task was difficult, because the organization operating in complete underground was well secretive. However, fewer and fewer people wanted to support them – even other far-left organisations began to protest against the methods used by the RAF. The June 2 Movement, although it was also a terrorist organization, did not go completely underground, without forcing, for example, its members to abandon their previous professions. To become a terrorist of the Baader-Meinhof group, it was necessary to completely break with the previous life. One of the elements of initiation, emphasizing this, was the condition of committing a criminal act. This principle, introduced by Andreas Baader, was intended to make the new members aware that there was no turning back: they had just spoken out against rotten bourgeois society and its principles. From now on, only a revolution was to exist for them. The West German police actually threw everything to get the terrorists and succeeded. Baader and Raspe are arrested on 1 June, Ensslin falls on 7 June and Meinhof on 15 June. Arrests and a police manhunt paralyzed the core of the organization. By the end of 1972, the organization was in disarray, about 200 people had been arrested, and it would seem that this was the end of terrorism in Germany. In place of the sinister Red Army Faction, only a number of militias such as the Revolutionary People's Army, the Ruhr Red Army, the Revolutionary Women's Cell, the Red June Detachment, the RAF Reconstruction Organization, the Anti-Fascist Struggle et caetera, usually existing very briefly or without any activity, were formed. IMITATORS However, it was not only the RAF that carried out terrorist activities in Germany. The vacuum left by him was filled by the June 2 Movement. He also changed the recruitment profile, relying on the workers and the poorest, but this was where the similarity ended. The June 2 Movement both did not give up its legality (i.e. it did not force its members to break with their previous lives), but also cut itself off from the criminal activities that the RAF adhered to. This does not mean, however, that it gave Bonn any "reduced tariff": while in 1972 there were 73 terrorist attacks in Germany, in 1973 this number increased to 80. One of the elements of the activities of West German terrorists were kidnappings. The two most notorious occurred during the recovery of the RAF. On 10 November 1974, the president of the Court of Appeal in West Berlin, Günter von Drenkmann, was kidnapped (an unsuccessful attempt, but von Drenkmann died the next day in hospital), and on 27 March 1975 the June 2 Movement kidnapped the chairman of the West Berlin CDU, Peter Lorenz. Bonn agreed to meet the conditions of the kidnappers and in exchange for the release of the politician agreed to release some of the arrested terrorists from prison. For the June 2 Movement, Lorenz's kidnapping was the same as the 1972 May bombings for the RAF: a success too spectacular for the federal government to leave unanswered. In a short time, the police managed to break up this organization. This time the success was not so crushing – the organizational foundations of the Movement remained, but the place of the previous leaders was taken by criminals and the organization first followed in the footsteps of the RAF, attacking banks and offices for robbery purposes, and then gave up any activity other than criminal and at the turn of 1976 and 77 it was dissolved. At that time, however, the Red Army Faction returned to action. The arrests of 1972 put virtually the entire core of the organization in prison, so the reconstruction took a long time and required some changes, such as the creation of channels allowing RAF leaders to control the activities of the organization from prison. At that time, leftist terrorists hardly carried out actions in the Federal Republic, except for individual attacks, such as the blowing up of the hamburg railway station or the assassination of the daughter of Ulrich Klug, the chairman of the Hamburg Justice Office (Justizbehörde), hated by the terrorists. The RAF devoted most of its attention to actions outside Germany, at least until early 1977, when Siegfried Haag took over. After a short period of silence, another wave of terror sweeps through Germany. There are further attacks, robberies, burglaries and thefts (terrorists fall prey to 1463 rifles, 197 submachine guns and 225 ID cards). However, this is only the beginning. On 7 April 1977, Sigfried Buback, the Prosecutor General of Germany, was killed in Karlsruhe. On July 30, Jürgen Ponto, the president of Dresdner Bank, is shot dead during an attempted kidnapping, and at the end of August the police manage to thwart an attempt to shoot from a rocket launcher built in a rented apartment of the Prosecutor General's Office. On 5 September, Hanns Martin Schleyer, president of the German Employers' Association, was kidnapped. Once again, the RAF pushed the federal government against the wall. Schleyer, in addition to being the head of one of the larger organizations of West German capital, was also a member of the CDU. For his release, the terrorists demanded the release of Andreas Baader and Gudrun Ensslin. Bonn could not agree to this. After the government's refusal on 13 October 1977, terrorists from the RAF-affiliated Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine hijacked a Lufthansa Boeing 737 and threatened to execute all passengers if Bonn did not comply with the demands of the Red Army Faction. Chancellor Helmut Schmidt refused, but when the terrorists began to prepare to set fire to the passengers, the plane attacked the anti-terrorist squad from GSG 9 and recaptured the hostages. On the same day, 18 October, Andreas Baader, Jan Carl Raspe and Gudrun Ensslin hanged themselves in stammheim prison near Stuttgart. It is difficult to say whether it was a hood murder (which the government terrorists accused the government of) or a genuine suicide of prisoners after the failure of an attempt to get them out of prison (as officially stated). The fact is, however, that this was the end of the so-called "first generation of the RAF", because Ulrike Meinhof committed suicide on May 9, 1976. The day after the news of the death of Baader and the rest was announced, Schleyer was brutally murdered, and his body was found in the trunk of a car left near Mulhouse. This is just the beginning of revenge – three Lufthansa planes are planned to be blown up on November 15, but the action does not take place. Instead, terrorists set fire to a number of warehouses in Germany, but this is one of the few actions they take. The police are chasing them continuously – they manage to arrest 18 terrorists. The RAF is again pushed underground, and those who managed to avoid arrest flee to Austria where they contact the leftist anarchists of Reihard Raffael Pitsch. Between 1977 and 1979, they will undertake a number of audacious terrorist actions, starting with the kidnapping of Austrian millionaire Walter Palmers on November 9, 1977 (they will receive 4.5 million marks of ransom for him), to the attempt to assassinate NATO Commander-in-Chief General Alexander Haig on June 25, 1979, to the attempt to blow up the Unterwasser Essenhamm nuclear power plant in April 1979. Extinguishing THE FIRE The 1980s was a period of increasingly rare RAF attacks, but their victims are carefully selected targets. On July 9, 1986, Prof. Karl-Heinz Beckurtus, head of Siemens' research department, was killed. On 30 July 1986, Heinz Hassler, the chief of police of the Principality of Liechtenstein, was shot, and on 30 November 1989, Alfred Herrhausen, director of the board of Deutsche Bank, was killed in an assassination attempt. The intensive work of the German services striving to eliminate the terrorist network continued, but the fatal blow was inflicted on it only by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the reunification of Germany. First, with the fall of communism, the West German leftists lost the meaning of struggle, because it was no longer possible to rekindle the class struggle. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, what everyone had suspected for a long time came to light: that such a long activity of the Red Army Faction was possible thanks to the logistical, financial and material support of the eastern security services, mainly the Stasi, but also the Polish Security Service. The last major RAF action took place on 27 June 1993, when the newly built Weiterstadt prison was blown up, and on 20 April 1998 the organisation announced its self-dissolution. That was the end of the Red Army Faction. With the unification and liquidation of the Stasi, all terrorist groups operating in West Germany almost ceased to operate. Does this mean that all terrorist leftist groups in Germany were supported by the eastern security services? It is difficult to give an unequivocal answer, although this thesis seems to be plausible. At the dawn of the West German terrorist movement lay the anxieties of the 1968 student revolution and opposition to the Vietnam War, and at this early stage there may have been no cooperation yet. However, it is hard to believe that the communist students, only after three months of training in the PFLP camp, managed to create such a perfectly camouflaged structure that they managed to lead the West German police and special services by the nose for many years. The Baader-Meinhof group began the fight with the postulates of pacifism and the improvement of the situation of the poor. Very quickly, however, with the escalation of aggression, they became terrorists, arsonists and murderers, killing in the name of class struggle and the destruction of the bourgeoisie. Opposition to the restoration to public life of those accused of contacts with Nazism or simply being Nazis evolved into a movement whose activities cost many dead and wounded and multibillion-dollar damage. The way the Red Army Faction has come is evidenced by the fate of one of its founders, Horst Mahler. A lawyer who still lives today defending Baader, Ensslin and others after the arson trial in Frankfurt, later a leftist terrorist and Maoist, he became a member of the Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany in 2000 and is currently serving a sentence for the "Auschwitz lie", propagation of anti-Semitism and incitement to hatred on the grounds of nationality (Volksverhetzung). Author: Przemysław Mrówka Source: Histmag.org License: CC BY-SA 3.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. "Terrorism in Germany", Institute for the Study of Contemporary Problems of Capitalism, Warsaw 1977. 2. Tomasiewicz Jarosław, "Terrorism against the background of political violence: an encyclopedic outline", Firma UsługowoHandlowa "Apis", Katowice 2000. 3. Tomczak Maria, "Terrorism in Germany and West Berlin: Sources, Strategy and Consequences of the Activities of Terrorist Groups of the Extreme Left", Instytut Zachodni, Poznań 1986. Rudi Dutschke Rudi Dutschke Rudi Dutschke (March 7, 1940 in Schönefeld, Germany – December 24, 1979 in Aarhus, Denmark) was an ideologue and the main spokesman of the left-wing German student movement in the 60s. He broke away from the supporters of the radical Red Army Faction. He supported "long marches through the institutions" of power, which were to consist in the participation of activists of student left-wing movements in the apparatus of power. As an "integral part of the machinery" of the administration, they could make radical changes in society. This concept was adopted from Antonio Gramsci (Italian Communist) and the Frankfurt School. In 1968, Dutschke survived an attempt on his life. 12 years later, health problems related to complications after the shooting contributed to his death. Students from radical circles complained that Dutschke's assassination attempt was inspired by an anti-student campaign led by Axel Springer's publishing house. These accusations contributed to the government's ban on the distribution of Springer's writings throughout Germany. Against this background, there were street clashes in German cities. Proof that Dutschke's theory was put into practice is the Axel Springer publishing house, which is conservative at the time, today considered left-wing. Political Views-,,March through The Institutions" Under the influence of Rosa Luxemburg's critical theory of Marxism, Dutschke developed his own theory and practical foundations for social change – through the development of democracy in the process of revolutionizing society. Dutschke argued that transformations in Western countries should go hand in hand with liberation movements in "third world" countries and democratization of Central and Eastern European countries. Dutschke's socialism was firmly rooted in Christianity; he considered Jesus Christ to be "the most prominent revolutionary." At Easter in 1963 he wrote: Jesus is risen. There was a decisive revolution in the history of the world – a revolution of love that overcomes everything. If people make full use of this revealed love in their own lives – in fact, "today," then the logic of insanity will cease to exist. The death of student Benno Ohnesorg in 1967 at the hands of the German police pushed some participants in the student movement towards violence and extremism; contributed to the formation of the Red Army Faction. The use of violence against Dutschke led to further radicalization of the student movement. Its activists committed several bombings and murders. Dutschke renounced these practices. He feared that they would harm the student movement or lead to its split. Instead of using violence and terror, he proposed the aforementioned "long marches through the institutions".wiki Purpose and haracteristics of the revolution. In 1967, the leader of the student revolt in West Berlin, Rudi Dutschke, presented a then unclear plan for a "march through the institutions." The plan was a response, on the one hand, to the increasingly harsh reactions of the police to the anarchist student city demonstrations, and on the other hand, to the increasingly reluctant attitude of society towards the constantly protesting youth. The march through the institutions formulated a new tactic to transform the democratic system and take real power by small groups of left-wing activists. They were to gradually penetrate into social institutions, master them and transform them from within. The slogan of the march was: "Turn this whole store upside down." The essence of the idea of marching through institutions, however, was much deeper and included the takeover and reconstruction of institutions understood not as organizational structures, but as mechanisms of social life - language, religion, politics, science, art, culture, and finally elementary individual and community identity. The concept of the march contained another non-obvious, but perhaps the most important goal. It broke with the idea of revolution as a process of destroying the institutions of the old system in order to make room for the construction of the new system, which had persisted since the beginning of the nineteenth century. The march through the institutions assumed not the destruction, but the takeover of the institutions of traditional society with all their social prestige and filling them with new, anti-cultural content. The slogan "turning the store upside down" meant, in essence, a total demoralization of the institution of traditional culture and exposing it to mental corruption. In such a comprehensive plan, the most important thing was the demoralization of the strongest opponent - the Christian Democrats. As a result of the march through the institutions, left-wing intellectuals already in the 90s mastered most of the key positions in academia and the media shaping public opinion. France "Adieu, de Gaulle!" '68 The largest student revolt, at one stage supported by workers, took on the Seine. France had just passed the so-called 20 years of glory – post-war economic growth that changed the face of the country. Its inhabitants in the post-war years focused primarily on earning and consuming, on raising the standard of material life. The events of 1968 were a rebellion against such a lifestyle and an attempt to destroy a strictly hierarchical society by representatives of a new generation – the fruit of the post-war baby boom. The number of students in France increased from 200,000 in 1950 to 850,000 in 1970. And it was this environment that rebelled. STUDENT REVOLT IN FRANCE – It began with a series of student strikes in Paris and clashes with university authorities and the police. Attempts by the de Gaulle administration to suppress the protests by force only exacerbated the situation, leading to street battles, a general strike of students and finally a general strike, when 2/3 of the French workers refused to work. The culmination of the student-workers' protest was on May 30, when about half a million people, led by the largest trade union headquarters CGT, marched through the streets of Paris, singing "Adieu, de Gaulle!". The general dissolved parliament and set new elections for June 23, 1968. The authorities got along with the trade unions, and the political left cut itself off from street protests. The election brought victory to the General, and the Gaullists became even stronger. It was not until a year later, after losing the referendum, that de Gaulle left the highest office in the state. World '68 France was not the only country through which student protests swept through in 1968. The "Paris May" was preceded by events overseas: the resignation of President Lyndon B. Johnson from his bid for re-election (March), the assassination of Martin Luther King and the riots at Columbia University (April). May 1968 was the general name for the riots and social protests that took place in France between May and July 1968. They were initiated by student protests, the direct cause of which was the removal of demonstrators by the police from the occupied department of the Sorbonne in Paris. These protests led to a general strike of several weeks, which paralyzed the entire country. Over time, the students were joined by the workers, and then also by other categories of society. The blade of protests was directed primarily against Gaulist rule, and in a broader field against capitalism, imperialism and traditionalist society. The events of May 1968 and the reforms they brought about had far-reaching effects on the cultural, political and economic life of France. Political and economic situation and new trends in youth culture In the years 1967-1968, student protests took place not only in France, but also in Great Britain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, West Germany, Italy, Spain, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Japan, Brazil, Uruguay, Mexico, the United States, Australia and many other countries, although the greatest echo in the world was these, which took place in France. In the events of May 1968 in France, both political (international and internal), economic and moral and cultural changes (mainly coming to Europe from the USA) played a role. Many of the demands made coincided with those in other countries, for example, as in Germany and the USA, students and left-wing circles in France demonstrated against American policy in the Third World countries, in particular against the protracted Vietnam War. However, the domestic rule of conservatives was also the object of criticism (in the 60s in France, the president was General Charles de Gaulle, and the prime minister was Georges Pompidou). Memories of the dirty war in Algeria (1954–1962) were vivid. Already in the early 60s, French students founded a "university anti-fascist front" to combat right-wing aspirations in the army and their armed arm – the secret organization OAS. In May 1968, the growing popularity of left-wing ideologies became the cause of demands even for the resignation of the government, and in any case for profound political changes. However, economic reasons were also at the root of the protests and strikes. For the first time since the end of World War II, the economic situation in France began to deteriorate, unemployment was rising. Demonstrations were becoming more and more frequent, e.g. in 1967 trade unions demonstrated against the reform of social security, on January 26, 1968, during a strike at a truck factory in Caen, riots and clashes with the police took place, later this scenario was repeated at Le Mans and Redon. In all these cases, the workers were joined by students. Throughout Europe, the 60s were also a period of turbulent development of new trends in youth culture, in particular the hippie movement, whose ideology, having its roots in the USA, was quickly taken over by European youth. Its external manifestations were most visible, expressed, for example, in fashion and music, but its ideology was also important – rejecting the authoritarian state, propagating free love and living in anarchist communes. In historically Catholic France, where contraception was banned until 1967, this led to generational conflict and youth involvement in protest movements. The youth protested against the authoritarian society, the materialism of the generation of the economic miracle and technocracy. They demanded improved teaching conditions and democratisation of universities, but also profound changes on a national scale for the benefit of civil society. The left in France before 1968 The left in France has traditionally had a strong position. The left-wing movement, however, was not uniform, but divided into many, often warring, groups. The Marxist current was also divided into many currents: in addition to the parties faithful to the lines of the Soviet Union, there were Trotskyist and Maoist parties. Of greatest importance were the popular French Communist Party and the largest trade union organization associated with it, the General Confederation of Labour (CGT – Confédération générale du travail). These organizations initially did not support the later student protests, they were rather guided by pragmatism and were mainly interested in fighting for a salary increase and maintaining their leadership role in working class circles. Ernesto Guevara, Simone de Beauvoir and Jean-Paul Sartre in Cuba in 1960 Close to the Communist Party were also the leading intellectuals of that time: Jean-Paul Sartre, Maurice MerleauPonty, Simone de Beauvoir, Roland Barthes, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Henri Lefebvre, who often combined left-wing views with the tradition of existentialism, humanism and structuralism. The decidedly anti-Marxist trend was the group centred around the magazine Socialisme ou Barbarie, headed by the libertarian socialist Cornelius Castoriadis. On the leftist scene there were also anarchists and anarcho-syndicalist trade unions such as the CNT (Confédération Nationale du Travail), which were guided by anarchist ideology. The first protests. Occupation of the University of Nanterre Daniel Cohn-Bendit at the Cologne Literature Festival in 2006 Daniel Cohn-Bendit (born 4 April 1945 in Montauban) is a German politician. Cohn-Bendit was born in France to a German-Jewish family that fled National Socialism in 1933. He spent his childhood in Montauban. In 1958 he moved to Germany, where his father had been a lawyer since the end of the war. He attended the Odenwaldschule in Heppenheim (Bergstraße) in southern Hesse. At birth, he was officially stateless. When he reached the age of 18, he had the right to receive German and French citizenship, but renounced the second one to avoid possible conscription.[1] He was one of the leaders of the student movement in France and the Paris may 68.[2] He co-organized the occupation of the administration of the University of Nanterre on March 22, 1968, which initiated mass protests.[2] After the end of the occupation, he became one of the leaders of the March 22 Movement, which referred to the occupation, which announced on 2 May the organisation of protests as part of the "anti-imperialist day" in Nanterre[2]. During the events of May 68, he was a supporter of peaceful tactics, opposing the use of violence.[2] He earned the nickname "Red Dany". In 1968, he was expelled from France to Germany after instructions for the production of explosives were found with him (Cohn-Bendit was a German citizen at the time).[2] After his deportation, he settled in Frankfurt am Main, where he became editor-in-chief of the left-wing newspaper Pflasterstrand (a position he held until 1990). He was friends with Joschka Fischer – they were associated with the alternative club Batschkapp and founded the group "Revolutionärer Kampf" (Revolutionary Struggle)[1]. In 1972 he was employed in an alternative kindergarten in Frankfurt. He worked there for over 2 years[3]. In the 80s, he became involved in the Activities of the German Green Party. From 1989 to 1994 he headed the newly established Municipal Office for Multiculturalism in Frankfurt. Member of the European Parliament since 1994, member of the Group of the Greens – European Free Alliance. In the elections in 1999 he entered the European Parliament from the list of the French Greens, in 2004 – from the list of the German Greens, and in 2009 again in France, from the list of the Coalition Europe Écologie gathered around the Greens. In the terms 1999-2004 and 2004-2009 and 2009-2014 co-chairman of the Group. Member of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs and of the Committee on Constitutional Affairs of the European Parliament. It supports the federalist idea in the European Union[4]. In 2001, German journalist Bettina Röhl accused him of pedophilia on the basis of self-quotes from her autobiographical book The Grand Bazaar (1975).[6][3] He included similar accounts in an article published a year later in the cultural journal "das da"[7]. In a television interview in 1982, Cohn-Bendit described further details, emphasizing that "the sexuality of a child is something wonderful" and "the feeling of being undressed by a 5-year-old girl is fantastic, because it is a game of an absolutely erotic nature."[8] These statements were later repeatedly criticised by Cohn-Bendit's political opponents, m.in Declan Ganley and Le Pen[9]. In 2001, Cohn-Bendit admitted that his stories "would be unacceptable today."[7] In 2009, during a debate with Ganley, Cohn-Bendit explained that these statements were the result of a broader social trend of social experimentation, including research on "child sexuality," in the wake of the sexual revolution. (wiki) Student protests were initially directed against the outdated and ossified education system. Since the 50s, the number of students has tripled without a fundamental change in the rules of functioning of the university. They demanded the necessary reforms and modernization of universities in order to adapt them to the new requirements of the economy. The first major protests, which were a direct fuse in May 1968, took place in Nanterre near Paris, where students objected to the presence of plainclothes policemen in the campus. In January 1968, these officers were photographed by students, after which photos were used on boards carried during demonstrations. Lectures at the Faculty of Sociology were disrupted, and on February 14, the so-called "furious" (Enragés) began occupying academic houses in Nanterre. Finally, a group of 142 students of various left-wing orientations founded the radical March 22 Movement at the Faculty of Philosophy of the local university. The university administration building was occupied, the study conditions were improved, as well as the co-educational nature of the dormitories. The main activists of the movement were Daniel Bensaïd and Daniel Cohn-Bendit, who in the following weeks and months as "Dany le Rouge" ("Red Dany") became the most famous face of the opponents. His first best-known public appearance took place during the opening of the swimming pool in Nanterre on January 8, 1968, when he criticized the opening minister of sport and youth François Missoffe, among other things, for not being interested in the sexual problems of young people. The inability to resolve the conflict and the continuing unrest finally led to the closure of the University of Nanterre by the authorities on 2 May. The beginning of 1968 was also marked by protests from other circles. In addition to the already mentioned workers' strikes, people of culture also demonstrated. In February, in front of the Trocadéro Palace in Paris, filmmakers led by François Truffaut protested against the dismissal of Henri Langlois, director of French Cinematography, by the then Minister of Culture, André Malraux. The 500-strong demonstration was brutally suppressed by the police, although many artists and intellectuals such as François Truffaut, Jean-Paul Sartre, Jean-Luc Godard, Jean-Pierre Léaud and Claude Jade were among the participants. Entry to the Sorbonne Outbreak of student protests in Paris The outbreak of demonstrations in the French capital took place on May 3, 1968, when students, despite the ban of the authorities, organized a rally of several hundred people in the premises of the Sorbonne. During the rally, protests were held against the closure of the University of Nanterre the day before. On May 2, there were also clashes with the police, as a result of which eight students, including Daniel Cohn-Bendit, were summoned to appear before the university council. During the cleaning of the university grounds, the police used tear gas, demonstrators threw paving stones at the officers. This event was the beginning of unrest throughout the Latin Quarter. There were street fights between several thousand demonstrators and the police, a total of 600 participants were detained. On 4th May the National Union of French Students (UNEF) and the National Union of University Lecturers (SNESup) called for an indefinite strike in higher education institutions. In the following days, protests expanded, demonstrations and strikes also broke out in other university centers, especially Nantes, Rennes, Strasbourg, Toulouse. The government's policy was not conducive to calming the situation – the sentencing of four demonstrators to prison, the bringing of Daniel Cohn-Bendit before the disciplinary committee. On May 6, 600 people were injured during further violent demonstrations in the Latin Quarter, and the police questioned 422 protesters. On May 7, students and high school students organized a 30-kilometer march from Denfert-Rochereau to Place de l'Etoile, demanding that their demands be met. The students announced the occupation of the Sorbonne after the police left there. Education Minister Alain Peyreffe refused to negotiate and said the Sorbonne would be closed until peace returned in the Latin Quarter. On 9 May, an agreement was reached between the two largest trade unions – the communist General Confederation of Labour (CGT) and the socialist-Christian Democrat French Democratic Confederation of Labour (CFDT), which decided to meet the UFNE in order to take joint action. By May 10, demonstrators had won the opening of the Nanterre campus, but failed to achieve the release of the detained students and the opening of the Sorbonne. This led to another exacerbation of the protests – the construction of barricades, which were built m.in from overturned cars and paving stones torn from the roadway and stacked. Not only students participated in it, but also unemployed youth, schoolchildren, workers, immigrants. Demonstrations and riots continued, fought by the police. The reactions of the inhabitants of the streets where the barricades were located were different, in addition to condemnations, there were also signs of solidarity with the demonstrators (bringing food, allowing escape). By the evening of May 10, 60 barricades had been built in the area between Boulevard St. Michel, Rue Claude Bernard, Rue Mouffetard and the Pantheon, primarily along rue Gay-Lussac. On the night of May 10-11 at 2:00 a.m., the police began to clear the area ("night of the barricades"). 460 people were questioned, 367 people were injured, 188 cars were burned. These events led to a wave of solidarity with Parisian students, first throughout France, and later in other European countries. The main trade unions – CFDT, FEN (Education Workers' Union), the moderate Force Ouvrière and even the communist CGT, which was initially hostile to students, called for a general strike scheduled for May 13. Turning point – students' re-occupation of the university In response to the protests, Prime Minister Pompidou, who had to interrupt his trip to Afghanistan because of them, finally decided to meet three demands of the students: the release of the detained participants of the incidents, the withdrawal of police units from the Latin Quarter and the opening of the Sorbonne. On May 13, the announced general strike broke out. In Paris, it began with a million-strong joint demonstration of trade unions, students and schoolchildren on the route to the Gare de l'Est to the Denfert-Rochereau square (students went further to the Champs de Mars). After the opening of the Sorbonne, the students immediately occupied it. The university was declared a "commune libre", the university has since become one of the main stages of organizing rallies, discussions of polemics, calls for change, etc. In the following days, other faculties and universities were occupied, e.g. in Nanterre, Montpellier, Aix-Marseille, Nice, but cinemas, theaters, high schools, railway stations, etc. also became places occupied by demonstrators. Black (anarchist) and red (socialist) flags flew over the buildings and during the demonstrations. There was also solidarity with the Prague spring and students in Poland, and several activists at the Sorbonne sent telegrams to political offices in Moscow and Beijing, threatening to overthrow the local "bureaucrats". In addition to discussions at universities, specific activities were also carried out. For example, the École des Beaux-Arts has become a "folk workshop" ("atelier populaire"), printing posters calling for change using screen printing technique. In addition, about 400 so-called "action committees" were established at the universities, e.g. the Committee on Football, North African Workers, Contacts between Students and Workers, the Committee of the Furious-Situationists, the Council for Maintaining the Occupation of Buildings. Artists and journalists are also joining the protests. On the evening of May 15, about 200-300 employees from the theater community occupied the Odeon theater in Paris, which became one of the most famous protest stages. The next day, the "wild" strike was started by employees of the New Paris Press (NMPP), and on May 17, journalists of public technical workers of the ORTF (public radio and television) joined the strike. On 19 May, at the request of the jury, the Cannes Festival was also discontinued. A general strike, the beginning of strikes. The general strike announced for May 13 quickly spread to the whole country and all professional categories. On the evening of 14 May, workers seized the Sud Aviation plant in Bouguenais near Nantes and imprisoned the management in their offices. As a sign of solidarity with the workers, students joined the strike pickets at the plant. On 15 May, workers joined at the Renault plant in Cléon, then at the plants in Flins, Sandouville, Le Mans, and on 16 May at Boulogne-Billancourt. Since 17 May, the SNCF railway, metro and Air France and most of the metallurgical industry plants have been on strike, since 21 May the post office and telecommunications, workers in the chemical, textile and other plants (Peugeot, Michelin, Breguet, Citroën). Large bets entailed smaller ones. While on 16 May 50 enterprises were occupied, on 17 May 200,000 workers (including almost the entire metal and chemical industries) were on strike, after two days the number of participants in the strike increased to about 2 million. There were disruptions in fuel supplies, the economic infrastructure of the state was paralyzed. According to estimates, a total of 8-10 million workers joined the strike, the largest number in history in democratic countries. The cooperation of workers and students (2 Kings 10:15-28). From the beginning, these strikes met with the support of students occupying the Sorbonne and other universities. In this way, the workers expressed their solidarity with the students in the first half of May. Joint actions were carried out, e.g. at the occupied Faculty of Literature in Paris-Censier, students and workers jointly developed leaflets in which mutual solidarity was expressed. In general, in France there was an atmosphere of social solidarity, unity against the "oppressive" power – the "spirit of May". The common slogan of the strikers was "Imagination is in power". The attitude of the traditional left to strikes The parties and left-wing organizations behaved expectantly at first, then more and more tried to control the course of events. FPK and CGT officers tried to prevent students and workers from fraternizing too much. When students marched from the Latin Quarter to the Roenault plant in Boulogne-Billancourt on May 17 to join the striking workers, they were not allowed inside the plant. CGT cars also drove through the streets, from which trade unionists tried to instruct demonstrators through megaphones how to behave. However, these guidelines were mostly ignored. During the demonstration, the CGT order still tried to separate the workers belonging to the unions from the students. Unlike the FPK and CGT, which initially denounced them as adventurers and anarchists, the protesting students were positively welcomed by the socialist-Christian Democrat CFDT. Further strikes – attempts to resolve the conflict During strikes, demands are quickly radicalized. While at the beginning of the rallies at the Sorbonne and other universities, most students initially represented a pragmatic position and made moderate demands, as the situation developed, social issues began to be raised more and more and demanded fundamental changes in social relations. Radicalisation also took place in working class circles. While the CGT in its normal activities demanded only higher salaries, the strikers now even demanded the resignation of the government. More moderate demands included wage increases, the introduction of a 40-hour working week, reform of the insurance and pension systems, and the creation of "free" universities. The third decade of May became a test of the striking forces, the French government and the left-wing opposition. The authorities began by repressing the leaders – on May 21, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, returning to France from a visit to students in Germany, was banned from entering the country. This did not prevent him from crossing the border "illegally" and the ban led to a demonstration on May 22, the slogan of which became "We are all German Jews" (Cohn-Bendit's parents, who had French citizenship, fled Germany from Nazi persecution before World War II). On 24 May, de Gaulle changed his tactics and announced in the evening on television a referendum for June and an agreement to the "participation" of students and employees in the management of universities and establishments. De Gaulle's proposals did not receive a positive response among the strikers. At the call of UFNE and SNESup, there were further demonstrations in Paris and other cities, during which m.in stock exchange was burned. A police commissioner was also killed in Lyon. These events caused the public to become increasingly concerned about the development of the situation and to distance themselves from the protesting students. As the CGT was also increasingly keen to end the strike, negotiations with trade unions and employers began on Rue de Grenelle on 25 May. On 27 May, an agreement was signed under which the minimum wage was to increase by 25% and other wages by 7%, and it was agreed to gradually reduce working hours to 40 hours a week, lower the retirement age, extend the rights of unions, etc. When CGT boss Georges Séguy presented the negotiated "Grenelle Pact" at Renault's Billancourt plant, he was booed. The workers did not agree to end the strike. On the same day, 27 May, a rally organised by the UNEF, the Socialists and the CFDT took place at the Charlèty Stadium in Paris, during which it was proposed to form a centre-left government with Pierre Mendès France as Prime Minister; The next day, François Mitterrand announced that he was ready to take office as president. On May 28, the communists proposed the formation of a government with their participation, and on May 29, the CGT organized demonstrations in many cities demanding the formation of a "people's government". De Gaulle's speech – controlling the situation Charles de Gaulle De Gaulle's radio speech[ Faced with the vision of losing power by himself and the conservative party, de Gaulle decided to resort to the last resort. On May 29, he flew by helicopter with a short, secret visit to Baden-Baden in Germany, where the headquarters of the General Staff of the French troops in Germany was located. This short (one and a half hour) visit caused various conjectures in Paris (it was even said that de Gaulle had escaped). Its real reason was the desire to secure military support for further action: during the visit, de Gaulle had a conversation with General Jacques Massu, known for using strong-arm methods during the Algerian War. Upon his return, de Gaulle gave a radio speech on May 30 at 4:30 p.m. In his speech, De Gaulle stressed that he was the legitimate representative of state power and warned against "diversionary" actions and the continuation of strikes, which could eventually be good for the communists of the FPK, after which he announced the dissolution of the National Assembly and new elections for June 23. He also called on workers to return to work and threatened to impose a state of emergency. On the same day, 30 May, a million-strong demonstration of supporters of the government took place on the Champs-Elysées, led by André Malraux and Michel Debré. During the demonstrations, they warned of a civil war and called for an end to the protests. The end of the strikes on May 31 presented the composition of the new government, and there were more and more demonstrations in support of de Gaulle. The wave of strikes began to slowly subside. The strikes were also called for by the trade unions, with whom the authorities were negotiating to introduce the amended provisions of the Grenelle Protocol. The police began to remove strikers from the seized plants, and about 200 foreigners accused of inciting protests were expelled from the country. Restoring normal operation did not go smoothly everywhere. The removal of strikers from the Renault plant in Flins sparked several days of riots from 7 to 10 June, during which a student named Gilles Tautin was killed. On June 11, two workers were killed during clashes with police outside the Peugeot factory in Sochaux. On June 12, the March 22 Movement and several other left-wing organizations were banned. Protesting artists and students were removed from the Odeon (14 June), the Sorbonne (16 June) and the Academy of Fine Arts (27 June). There were also the last pockets of resistance among the big workplaces: Renault (18 June), Citroën (24 June) and ORTF (27 June). French politicians (as well as sociologists and journalists) were so surprised by the scale of the protests that they reacted only when in most French university towns they took on the character of almost civil war. De Gaulle did not intervene at all, but left the task of dealing with the demonstrators to Prime Minister Pompidou. All this meant that in government circles even a conspiracy theory arose later about the control of events by agents of the Enerda Stasi or other countries. The June elections to the National Assembly brought victory to the ruling Gaullist party. The alliance of the Gaullist UDR and the Independent Republicansgiscarda d'Estaing won 43.6% of the vote and formed a government, entering into a coalition with the Democratic Christian Centre (10.3%). The Communist Party won 20%, the Socialists from the FGDS 16.5%, the Radical Left (PSU) 3.9%. In July 1968, Pompidou was replaced by Maurice Couve de Murville. De Gaulle stepped down in 1969 after the French rejected his proposed referendum. De Gaulle died in 1970 – this was considered the end of the Gaullist era, but the conservatives ruled France for another 10 years. In 1969, de Gaulle was replaced by Pompidou, who remained president until his death in 1974, the Gaullists transformed into neo-Gaullists (Assembly for the Republic, Rassemblement pour la République – RPR), and finally merged with other parties into the Union for a Popular Movement (Union pour un Mouvement Populaire – UMP) and from 1995 to 2012 under the leadership of Presidents Jaques Chirac and Nicholas Sarkozy ruled France. As a result of the events of May 1968, the communists from the FPK lost much of their popularity among the workers, while the radical left – the Revolutionary Communist League (Ligue communiste révolutionnaire) gained in importance. After the unification of several socialist parties, the Socialist Party (Parti socialiste français) flourished, which came to power in 1981. The fruit of the ideology of 1968 in the 70s was the Green Party (Les Verts), which, however, did not enjoy such popularity as, for example, the Greens in Germany, or the far-left terrorist organization Action directe, which in the modern history of France played such a role as the Red Army Faction (RAF) in Germany and the Red Brigades in Italy. However, as in other countries, the events of 1968 also resulted in profound reforms and changes in cultural, social and political life. Many of the protagonists of May 1968 rose to high positions, others became lecturers at universities, further propagating the ideas they adhered to in their youth. Liberal ideologies began to spread in society, the fruit of May 68 is also the sexual revolution of the 70s, feminism and ecological movements. These events continue to have an impact on the social life of France and are the subject of debates and disputes. While the traditional left identifies with the goals and ideology of the 1968 protests, conservatives tend to reject them. So did Nicolas Sarkozy, President of France since May 2007, who said in his election speech in April 2007: "May 68 left us the ideology of intellectual and moral relativism. The heirs of May 68 pushed the view that everything has the same value, that from now on there is no difference between good and evil, truth and falsehood, beauty and ugliness. (...) The victim counted less than the perpetrator. (...) The cult of the idol of money, the pursuit of quick profit, speculation, the pathologies of the capitalist financial markets have their source in the values of May 68. If there are no more rules, no norms, no morality, no respect, no authority, then everything is allowed. Armed organization-,,Direct Action" Action directe - a French anarchist armed and terrorist group that operated in the 80s of the twentieth century in France. Members of Action directe were responsible for dozens of attacks (including assassinations) on representatives of industry and government administration. Action directe was formed in 1977 from the merger of two far-left GARI groups: (Groupes d'Action Révolutionnaire Internationalistes) and NAPAP (Noyaux Armés pour l'Autonomie Populaire). Her goal was to fight imperialism and defend the proletariat. In August 1982, the French government declared the group illegal. Action directe was responsible for about 50 armed attacks m.in on the federation of entrepreneurs, government buildings and the French army, as well as armaments factories. Action directe also carried out attacks on the manager of a French arms trading company and a former Renault executive. From 1985 she began cooperation with the German terrorist group Red Army Faction. During the period of its activity, the organization received help from Libya ruled by Mu'ammar al-Gaddafi. On February 21, 1987, the main members of Action directe, Jean-Marc Rouillan, Nathalie Ménigon, Joëlle Aubron and Georges Cipriani, were arrested and later sentenced to life imprisonment. Of these, only Joëlle Aubron was released in 2004 due to health problems (she died in March 2006). Nathalie Ménigon was paroled due to her health condition in August 2008. The other convicts are still in prison; they consider themselves political prisoners. Many representatives of the French far left believe that they should be pardoned.‎

see original doc here revolutions in other countires in polish

https://www.facebook.com/download/700598547697053/Niemcy%2C%20Francja.pdf?av=100012337358609&eav=Afb9eBePYC5TAMlDGlhNBBgBYI0KOj1QuLIbNLOvyk8kadiz0_feLQyEzANdGX5-iQQ&paipv=0&hash=Acp1phg9w-dQRvln8Y0&__cft__[0]=AZUjgt-Nb8VtlTHT08G5FFAMJ6ZWfXwK-bJJxLw2iqBj_eLMbfHuuNK4crPSlaAyewRUcLAgVUhy_kH4fJZo6Scw-hTBe_7D8LYN85fhkfhY1kZVNn752c2DTjZoxIaPAD6851ABLIg5tS20LOzAd21ywwvNbdbBW6deuLBcchhANhlcKyUXVn9GiAktUBuUuO8fOkJ-czn7Iig4lDEao9Na&__tn__=H-R